Dmitry Novikov | Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Dear comrades!
We are going through difficult times. The US imperialists are trying to attack the Venezuelan people and their government. In these circumstances, solidarity and fraternal cooperation between anti-imperialist forces is particularly important. I welcome you all on behalf of the Russian communists, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and its Chairman, G.A. Zyuganov.
‘No one will give us salvation: neither God, nor the Tsar, nor a hero. We will achieve liberation with our own hands’―these lines from ‘The International’ perfectly reflect the importance of every person’s efforts in the struggle for a better life. In the struggle of left-wing parties and governments against imperialism and reaction, it is extremely important to rely on mechanisms of popular self-organisation and self-government.
Our opponents like to claim that Marxism is an ‘artificial doctrine, detached from reality,’ which does not take into account the ‘truth of life.’ They immediately turn the thesis of ‘natural diversity’ into a justification for ‘natural inequality.’ In doing so, they promote the right of the strong to rob the weak. This is the basis of any exploitative society.
In fact, there is nothing closer to real life and the needs of the people than communist ideas. Communism did not arise out of thin air. It was the result of a thousand-year search for justice. This search is reflected in the works of hundreds of philosophers, thinkers and writers. Marx, Engels and Lenin put these aspirations on a scientific basis. They transformed them from vague constructs and naive dreams into a programme of struggle against class-divided societies.
This was beautifully reflected in the practice of the Soviets as a form of people’s power. This year marks the 120th anniversary of the beginning of the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. This was a time when the parties of the Second International believed that, in the transition from capitalism to socialism, the optimal form of political organisation of society was a parliamentary democratic republic.
Contrary to them, the Bolsheviks, led by V.I. Lenin, approached the issue creatively. They saw enormous potential in the Soviets of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies. Growing out of the communal traditions of the Russian people, the Soviets became a concrete form of the realisation of people’s power. They emerged as a genuine popular initiative, became an expression of the revolutionary energy of the masses and a manifestation of genuine democracy.
Lenin wrote that as soon as the opportunity arose after the February Revolution in 1917 to take power arbitrarily and everywhere, workers, soldiers and peasants began to create ‘democracy in their own way.’ And this happened before any party had time to proclaim this slogan. The Soviets took control of law enforcement, food supplies and transport. At the same time, they did not get bogged down in a multitude of ‘everyday’ issues. The Soviets also expressed their position on larger-scale issues―on questions of land and peace.
The Bolsheviks managed to lead the popular uprising and used it to radically transform life. In his ‘April Theses,’ Lenin proclaimed the transition of power from the bourgeois revolution to the socialist revolution. This meant the transfer of power to the proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasantry. The Bolshevik leader emphasised that there was no need to invent such a government. It had been created by the people themselves. As Lenin stated, ‘humanity has not yet developed anything higher or better than this type of government, such as the Soviets of Workers’, Farm Labourers’, Peasants’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, and we still do not know of anything better.’
Life proved the Bolsheviks right. Relying on the creativity of the masses and on the Soviets helped Lenin carry out the socialist revolution, save Russia from collapse and enslavement by imperialist predators, expel foreign interventionists, build a great socialist power, and defeat fascism.
The creativity of the masses is characteristic of the national liberation and revolutionary movements of many countries. To a large extent, the struggle against the colonisers in Latin America was also based on this.
The anti-Spanish movement of the 18th century in Paraguay is a typical example. Its participants were mainly united around municipal bodies―communes.
The revolutionary movement in Mexico actively relied on traditional forms―peasant communities. After the revolution of 1910-1917, they grew into communal farms. The potential for popular self-organisation was demonstrated during the uprising of the indigenous people of Chiapas in 1994. One of the reasons for the uprising was the attempts of Mexico’s neoliberal government to destroy the system of communal land ownership. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation created a network of autonomous municipalities―organs of popular democracy. They ensured the preservation of collective land ownership, access to healthcare and education, law enforcement, and water supply. On average, such municipalities consist of 300 families. Any resident over the age of 20 can participate in decision-making, and meetings strive to achieve consensus.
The Cuban Revolution was a striking example of the use of mass self-organisation. Shortly after the overthrow of the Batista regime, Committees for the Defence of the Revolution were created. They participated in the fight against acts of sabotage and terror, against attempts by imperialists to return Havana to a colonial ‘harbour.’ As Fidel Castro explained, ‘The Committees for the Defence of the Revolution are a collective system of revolutionary vigilance.’
The committees became a mechanism for involving the masses in the transformation of society. They were formed according to place of residence, uniting the people around the defence of the achievements of the revolution. The Cuban people were given broad opportunities for social activity. Through the committees, the revolutionary masses had a serious influence on the resolution of vital sanitary, educational, production and ideological-educational tasks. It was the Committees that became the basis for the campaign to eliminate illiteracy, eradicate polio, combat tropical diseases, and protect the population during hurricanes. The Committee premises also became small clubs for local residents. This work is based on the ideology of mutual assistance.
Today, Committees for the Defence of the Revolution exist on every street in Cuba. They unite about 90% of the adult population. Their members voluntarily monitor compliance with the law. They are engaged in socially useful work, political education and the organisation of leisure activities.
Other forms of self-organisation also exist in Cuba. After the revolution, the Federation of Cuban Women, the National Association of Small Farmers and other organisations were created. They represent the interests of different groups of the population, but together they solve the tasks of defending the country in the face of imperialism.
Activists from the Committees and other organisations are represented in the People’s Councils of Cuba, established in 1986. The latter unite the population of several districts of the municipality and exercise civil control over the implementation of the decisions of the municipal assembly and the municipal council. This allows the principles of ‘participatory democracy’ to be put into practice.
In Venezuela in 1992, Hugo Chávez made an unsuccessful attempt at a military coup against the corrupt neoliberal regime of Carlos Pérez. Upon his release, Chávez acted as a politician who understood the need to rely on the broad masses of the people. In 1994, he embarked on a 100-day tour of the country, visiting cities, villages and indigenous communities. This was a strategy to politically activate grassroots forces.
This marked the beginning of the Bolivarian committees, which played an important role in the life of Venezuela. Their development took off after Chávez’s victory in the 1998 presidential elections. The main task of the committees was to educate the masses politically, spread the ideas of the Bolivarian Revolution and organise social mutual aid. Chávez called them ‘a great human network’ and ‘the main organising unit of popular power.’
In 2001, Hugo Chávez called for the creation of committees so that they would be present in every neighbourhood and every building, and so that their members would pursue the goal of defending the Revolution. Within the first few days, more than 2,000 such groups had been created in the country. The only condition for membership was acceptance of the Bolivarian ideal. Each cell studies the problems of society and conducts ideological training based on historical knowledge.
The Bolivarian Revolution opened the door to big politics for the people. This ensured the mobilisation of the masses. In addition to the Bolivarian committees, communal public councils were created. They were established by Chávez’s decree in 2003 to ‘directly manage state policy,’ meet the needs of communities, and build ‘a society of equality and social justice.’ Three years later, the Law on Communal Councils was passed. They are made up of both urban and rural residents, ranging from 200 to 400 families. Communal councils vigorously express the interests of low-income Venezuelans and are a key element of direct democracy.
There are now over 45,000 communal councils in Venezuela. There are also medical councils, food committees, energy committees, technical water committees and sports committees.
The creation of a network of grassroots organisations is the answer to the question that so torments Venezuela’s enemies. The question is: how did this country survive under such intense external pressure? Bolivarian committees and other forms of self-government played an important role in this. They largely neutralised the system of non-governmental organisations created by the liberals. In doing so, Venezuela’s leaders put into practice the theory of Italian communist thinker Antonio Gramsci.
Gramsci showed that the hegemony of big capital is ensured not only by direct coercion. The bourgeoisie also uses ‘molecular’ methods of influence. It influences everyday life through the media, art and other means. Today, these methods are often referred to as ‘soft power.’
Antonio Gramsci called on left-wing forces to actively use this approach. Bolivarian circles, communal councils and other organisations did not allow the forces of imperialism to impose their views on the people of Venezuela. They exposed the machinations of the right-wing opposition, mitigated the effects of sanctions, and participated in the distribution of food and other essential goods.
The masses rose up to defend the achievements of the Bolivarian revolution, taking up arms. A people’s militia, the ‘colectivos,’ emerged. It helps the authorities fight crime and block imperialist provocations. The Bolivarian National Militia was created on its basis. Its 4.5 million members are a conscious force of people ready to defend their homeland.
At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, Argentina suffered greatly from neoliberal experiments. The consequences of this policy were mitigated thanks to a network of free public canteens. After the start of the corona-virus pandemic, people’s committees were created to provide social support to the population.
In Bolivia, the victory of the left in 2005 was preceded by the struggle of peasant communities for their rights. In essence, the Movement Towards Socialism is an alliance of social movements. Its structure is largely decentralised. Grassroots organisations have considerable weight and influence on the party. The closest ally of the Movement Towards Socialism is the Confederation of Indigenous Communities of Bolivia.
In Nicaragua, the Sandinista National Liberation Front relies on a broad network of public organisations. They are a form of ‘democracy from below.’ This has made it possible to protect the country from attempts to carry out a color-revolution.
It is not surprising that organs of popular self-government are one of the main targets for the forces of right-wing reaction. Wherever the right wing comes to power―in Argentina, Ecuador, Bolivia, Brazil―they try to destroy the system of self-organisation of the people. But it is not easy to deal with this great tradition. It is impossible to defeat a people who are aware of their interests and ready to defend their rights.
As long as capitalism exists, the rights and interests of workers and entire peoples will always be under threat. The main enemy of social justice is imperialism. The only true path to building a just society is the path of socialism.
I whole-heartedly welcome our comrades who have gathered these days for an international conference in Caracas. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation stands in solidarity with this initiative of the World Anti-imperialist Platform.
In April, on the 155th anniversary of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin’s birth, the CPRF held the Second International Anti-Fascist Forum in Moscow. Even then, Dimitrios Patelis told me about his desire to hold a conference in Venezuela. I am glad that these plans have come to fruition. I am confident that our joint actions will help build a strong front against imperialism.
Long live the Venezuelan people’s struggle for sovereign development!
Long live the forces of justice and progress!
For the victory of socialism!