Miloš Karavezic | New Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Serbia)
Joseph Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili Stalin, one of the classics of the scientific Marxism and the former leader of the Soviet Union, died more than 70 years ago. Despite that, his works and legacy are widely debated even today, which is a proof that, even in contemporary times, his figure represents great inspiration for his supporters, but also big fear and resentment for those who reject his deeds and struggle. For some, especially those who adhere to the propaganda of the enemies of the working class, his name is still a synonym with controversy, while those whose main task is to spread lies about the history, but also about current struggles and developments, see him as nothing more than a criminal and murderer.
In this text we will not engage in defending the life and work of comrade Stalin―this is a task that has been successfully fulfilled numerous times by large number of sincere and hardworking comrades. Instead, we will focus on explaining focal points of his theoretical and practical work, with the main goal of drawing conclusions that can help us in our current struggle against imperialism and capitalism, for socialism.
The complete understanding of Stalin is not possible without considering Lenin’s theoretical and practical contributions. During his life, Stalin was Lenin’s closest collaborator, and after Lenin’s death, it was Stalin who continued his policies. Both Stalin and Lenin lived and worked in an era of imperialism, which was new to capitalism at that time. Both worked on creating a communist party as a disciplined and educated vanguard of the working class, fighting against both right and left opportunistic currents and “theories” that, in their own way, vulgarized Marxism. Both drew conclusions from the failed 1905 revolution, and based on those conclusions, sound theoretical foundations, and proper tactics, they succeeded in carrying out the Great October Socialist Revolution and establishing the first proletarian state in the world.
From this period, particularly important are Stalin’s discussions against anarchism (“Anarchism or Socialism”), as well as his contribution to clarifying the national question, that is, the relationship communists should have towards various national liberation movements for the purpose of carrying out the socialist revolution (“Marxism and the National Question”).
Since Lenin died in 1924, less than two years after the founding of the USSR, it can be considered that the task of building socialism in the USSR was entrusted to Stalin by the Party. At that moment, the communists found themselves in new, unprecedented conditions―for the first time in human history, the proletariat had taken and defended power in a country, which required addressing new practical challenges in managing the economy. Contrary to what anarchists believe, the revolution does not abolish different classes―they continue to exist and to fight for their own interests, threatening the young and, in terms of productive forces and relations of production, still underdeveloped Soviet republic.
The significance of Stalin’s leadership lies precisely in his ability to recognize the level of development of productive forces and, based on that, determine the tactics of the communists in the ongoing class struggle. Just as before the revolution, Stalin understood that it was necessary for the proletariat to make temporary alliances with various classes to remove the immediate threat to Soviet power. Stalin knew, for example, that an alliance with the peasantry (including kulaks) was essential to defeat landowners and large capitalists―however, he also correctly identified the moment when the kulaks, from allies, turned into enemies, and he skillfully exploited the class stratification in the countryside, creating an alliance between the proletariat and small and medium peasants against the kulaks. The very construction of socialism, in the conditions of the USSR’s industrial underdevelopment and its devastation after the war, required a temporary retreat before the capitalist class and the introduction of the NEP (New Economic Policy). Stalin correctly assessed how far to go with this retreat and when it was necessary to launch an “offensive” and begin the final confrontation with the remnants of capitalism, both in the countryside and in the city.
Building socialism in such conditions resulted in rich experiences that are still applicable today. Although the development of productive forces and relations between different classes vary from country to country, and especially from era to era, the tactics Stalin employed should serve as inspiration for the construction of modern socialist societies. It is important, however, to avoid the mistake made by some “vulgar” communists, which is simply copying Stalin’s tactics without analysis and creative application of what is essential in Stalin’s work.
What must not be overlooked is Stalin’s role in the victory over the greatest evil the world has ever seen―Nazism. We will not go into great detail about the industrialization of the USSR and its preparation for the war against Nazism―it is part and logical continuation of the struggle for the construction of socialism that Stalin led from the introduction of the NEP, which intensified especially after 1929 with the beginning of the implementation of the five-year plans. Instead, we will focus on what was, tactically, the focal point of the anti-fascist struggle, and that is the policy of the Popular Front.
The significance of the Popular Front policy lies precisely in identifying the main enemy of the proletariat, which in the 1930s was fascism. The communists, led by Stalin, correctly understood that the world proletariat would be defeated if it simultaneously waged war against liberal capitalism and its more extreme form, Nazi fascism. Instead, a temporary alliance was formed both internationally, with liberal democracies like the USA and Great Britain, and nationally in many countries, where communists fought against fascism alongside social-democratic, democratic, and sometimes even conservative anti-fascist parties.
The victory over fascism is itself proof of the correctness of this policy. Its correctness is further confirmed by the fact that after World War II, socialist revolutions succeeded in a large number of countries in Eastern Europe and Asia. Stalin, however, was aware that victory over fascism did not mean the end of the war against the bourgeoisie―on the contrary, he continued the class struggle in the conditions of the Cold War, in a situation where two camps―imperialist and anti-imperialist―clashed.
Modern communists can draw many lessons from how Stalin fought against fascism. The situation, however, changed after World War II, so today the main enemy of working people is imperialism, while fascist movements around the world are almost entirely subordinated to imperialist interests. Today, the main struggle is against imperialism and neo-colonialism, while the fight against fascism, racism, xenophobia, patriarchy, or climate change cannot be waged separately from the fight against the main enemy. Only under the banner of the fight against imperialism can communists lead all the oppressed masses and, at the decisive moment, carry out a socialist revolution. Communists today will achieve the same successes as Stalin, but in the new and more developed conditions.
This text is far too short to fully honor the work and character of the great Joseph Stalin. For decades, billions of working people have found inspiration in Stalin for their struggle, despite the heaps of filth his enemies have cast upon his grave. It is encouraging to know that the winds of history will sweep away all the slander from Stalin’s name. However, for us communists, the most practically important task is not merely defending Stalin as such, but recognizing and applying what is essential in his work—what can help us in our struggle today. This task is by no means easy, especially in a situation where many opportunists adorn themselves with Stalin’s name, but it is crucial for the success of the proletarian revolution in the future. We are confident that participants in conferences like this will greatly facilitate this task, and that the shared exchange of views and experiences will strengthen the anti-imperialist and communist movement, bringing us one step closer to victory.