Party of Committees to Support Resistance―for Communism (Italy)
Great and growing upheavals are shaking the power of the imperialist bourgeoisie in individual countries and in the system of international relations, upheavals that are both context and expression of the clash, which characterizes the imperialist epoch, between proletarian revolution (for Socialism and new democracy) and the decadence of the capitalist system.
“Who do you think you are to criticize the theory of the multipolar world, defended and propagated by a Communist party like the Communist Party of China (CPC), compared to which you are a nobody?” is the question that some proponents of multipolarism ask us.
We do not say that the CPC and the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) are wrong in advocating and enforcing the line of multipolarism, i.e., peaceful coexistence among countries regardless of their current social system. We criticize the Communist parties, groups and individuals in imperialist countries who advocate the line of multipolarism, because it leads them to neglect the struggle for the establishment of Socialism in their own countries, that is, the very work that the summation of the experience of the first wave of the proletarian revolution confirmed to be decisive in reaching a world of peace, progress and cooperation between countries. For them, multipolarism means focusing not on the development of class struggle inside imperialist countries, but on the action of the States that oppose the U.S. imperialists and the International Community dominated by them: some put their trust in the PRC, others more in the Russian Federation (RF), and some others in a combination of both.
Promoted by the PRC government, the multipolarism line serves to denounce the U.S. imperialists’ policy of aggression (war missions, sanctions, destabilization attempts, subversive operations such as “colour revolutions,” NATO enlargement and its rearmament race) against any country that does not bend to their will opening its borders to their trafficking, business, and oppression, and to coalesce countries whose authorities want to free themselves from the political-military and economic-financial domination of the U.S. imperialists (the so-called “rogue states,” the BRICS and others). It is a broad camp that includes very different countries, from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), Cuba and other countries that preserve achievements and institutions of the first wave of the proletarian revolution such as the RF and Belarus, from Serbia to Venezuela and other Latin American countries, from Iran to Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and other African countries. There are also some former Soviet countries in the Caucasus and Asia (Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan), where the U.S., Zionist and European imperialist groups are trying to expand their influence, but the path that the oligarchs who run these countries will take is still open to opposing developments. Finally, we must consider the new monopolist groups that capital export has brought into being in some countries that are now wavering between accepting U.S. domination or competing independently at the global level: India and Turkey are cases in point. To strengthen the opposition to the domination of the U.S. imperialists in the bourgeois authorities of these countries, the PRC government cannot point to the line of “establishing Socialism”: it points to and promotes the path of multipolarity. It is to be seen what kind of action the CPC takes at the same time towards the Communist parties in each of these countries and, especially, the imperialist countries. The Soviet government and the CPSU, as long as it was headed by Stalin, advocated and applied the line of “peaceful coexistence between countries with different social systems,” which was mainly directed toward mobilizing the popular masses of the imperialist countries against the aggression of the USSR by the imperialist powers, and was combined with mobilizing in each imperialist State the popular masses to establish Socialism in their own country. Through the Communist International, the USSR assumed the role of the world red base of the proletarian revolution (for Socialism and new democracy), promoted the formation of Communist parties in every corner of the world and promoted the transformation (“Bolshevization”) of Communist parties inside imperialist countries and supported the first world wave of the proletarian revolution (1917-1976). Today, the PRC does not play a similar role to that played by the USSR as the world red base of the proletarian revolution; however, the CPC systematically participates in Solidnet (the world largest aggregation of Communist bodies) and is increasingly active in researching and promoting bilateral meetings, seminars and visits to the PRC by delegations of Communist and progressive parties and entities with related publications. The CASS (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Academy of Marxism systematically organizes international conferences to foster knowledge and dialogue among intellectuals, researchers, and representatives of Communist and leftist parties and organizations from around the world. Since 2012 (thus since the 18th CPC Congress and the election of Xi Jinping), the Academy of Marxism, together with other centers and institutes of the CASS, has intensified its work to study the world’s Communist and workers’ movements, and in 2018 established a research group dedicated specifically to this, which publishes an annual report on the development of International Communist Movements. We are not aware weather the CPC promotes the knowledge, study and application of Maoism, the developments that Mao Tse-tung brought to Communist science resulting from the summation of the experience of the Chinese revolution and more generally the first wave of the proletarian revolution. They do promote the achievements of the Xi Jinping-led CPC in developing the country’s productive forces, modernizing agriculture and rural areas, protecting the environment, education, fighting corruption, fighting poverty, etc. This in some ways is consistent with the line of multipolarism and probably also stems from the lack of confidence in the revolutionary capacity of Communist parties within imperialist countries.
We certainly have to learn from Chinese Communists, we need to know more and spread knowledge about PRC and the CPC: not because we hope they will “pull our chestnuts out of the fire” but to learn how to promote and direct the Socialist revolution by which we will establish Socialism in our country.
We, communists, are for a world order of peace and cooperation among countries, but for that very reason we must organize, educate and mobilize the popular masses to fight and win the war that pits them against the imperialist bourgeoisie. To expect to succeed not through a series of victorious socialist revolutions that will oust the ruling classes in the imperialist countries from power, but because the PRC and the RF will make a common front with “rogue states” and induce imperialist U.S. and associates to desist from their aggression, is to hope… but “those who live in hope, die in despair”. While proclaiming themselves Marxists, Leninists and Maoists, Communists in imperialist countries who point to multipolarism as the way out of the war, not only throw overboard the foundations of Communist science (“the history of every society that has existed up to this moment, is the history of class struggles”), but also do not draw lessons from the experience of the first wave of the proletarian revolution (1917-1976) and what followed. “If socialism is not victorious, peace between the capitalist States will be only a truce, an interlude, a time of preparation for a fresh slaughter of the peoples” (For Bread and Peace, Dec. 27, 1917, in Complete Works, vol. 26), Lenin wrote in December 1917, two months after the victory of the Russian Revolution: all subsequent history up to the present has confirmed this. Socialism won, but only in the Tsarist empire, a weak link in the imperialist chain, and the single victorious Socialist revolution in Russia initiated the first world wave of proletarian revolution (a combination of socialist revolutions and revolutions of new democracy). The subsequent world war, a combination of the third aggression of all imperialist groups (including the Vatican) against the Soviet Union and war between imperialist powers and groups, paved the way for the creation of new socialist countries (PRC, DPRK, Eastern European People’s Democracies) and the upheaval of the old colonial system (Vietnam and Indochina, India, Indonesia and Malaysia, the Middle East, Africa), but the bourgeoisie again managed, albeit with difficulty, to maintain its power in the imperialist countries. Instead of hoping for a multi-polar world, Communists in the imperialist countries must ask themselves and understand why the revolution did not win in imperialist countries and draw and implement a line to get to establish Socialism.
One current of the “multipolarists” inside imperialist countries, combining or converging with nostalgics of USSR, sympathizers with the Donbass Republics, anti-fascists and anti-imperialists, are those who count and hope that the military operation initiated by RF will be successful, that the RF will defeat the armed formations of Zelensky’s puppet government and thus hinder NATO plans. We do not know whether the RF will succeed in preventing the extension of the network of NATO military bases and agencies with which the U.S. imperialist groups seek to contain their economic and financial decline: surely that would be the most beneficial outcome for the popular masses not only in the RF and Ukraine, but throughout Europe and the world.
But how do we Italian Communists work toward this outcome, so as to advance the Socialist revolution in our country? Certainly, it is useful and necessary to publicize the heroic resistance of the people of the Donbass republics against the Azov battalion and other neo-Nazi formations armed by the Kiev regime, to denounce the crimes of the Zelensky government against those republics and against Ukrainian popular masses, to promote solidarity with persecuted Ukrainian Communist Party members along with other political opponents, labor organizations and anti-fascist committees, to denounce the revaluation of Stepan Bandera and other Ukrainians who collaborated with Hitler’s Nazis. But first of all, we must mobilize every sector of the population, each one with specific operations, to put an end to our country’s participation in the U.S.-NATO war against the RF, leveraging the fact that Italy’s participation in the war is contrary to the immediate interests of the vast majority of the Italian popular masses, and putting an end to it is, at the same time, a struggle to free our country from the U.S. protectorate established since 1948.
We too hope that the government in Kiev―a puppet of the U.S. and NATO and largely composed of Nazi apes―will be swept away. But to this end we must not rely primarily on Putin and the group of oligarchs he heads. At the turn of the century, they rescued the RF from the immediate U.S. colonization on which it had been routed on by Yeltsin and his associated, but no more: it is no coincidence that they waited until 2022 before openly intervening against the pro-Nazi puppet government installed in Kiev in 2014 that was massacring Russian and Ukrainian people. We must rely mainly on Russian proletarians with Communists at their head regaining power in Russia, that is, on the development of class struggle and the struggle between the two paths (restoration of capitalism or resumption of the transition to communism) in the RF. The same applies to Ukraine. We must keep in mind the role of Ukrainian Communists and consider that in Ukraine the U.S. imperialists have not succeeded in doing what they managed to do in the Baltic republics and Eastern Europe (and had begun to do in the RF with Yeltsin as well): even among the Ukrainian oligarchs there are contrasts, they are not all for submitting to the U.S. imperialists, those who are not in favor of opening up to the U.S. are partly imprisoned, partly abroad and partly standing by to see how the situation will develop. Especially since it is becoming increasingly evident to the Ukrainian popular masses (but also to the oligarchs) that Zelensky and the Kiev authorities have put themselves in the hands of people who are only interested in using the Ukrainian population as cannon fodder against the RF and getting their own hands on the country’s resources (rare earths, etc.).
Even among those who call themselves Communists, there are many today who have more faith in the pacification of relations between the U.S. imperialists and the RF thanks to Trump or others, rather than in a new wave of proletarian revolutions. With the ongoing war in Europe, the International Community of the U.S., Zionist and EU imperialist groups aims to extend NATO to Ukraine and the other States that arose in 1991 from the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Their war in Europe is combined with their war against the PRC and the DPRK, and the creation of the equivalent of NATO in the Indian Ocean and Pacific Ocean riparian States. On the other hand, going ahead with the war in Ukraine is backfiring on them in various ways and is increasing their internal divisions. It is coalescing countries that oppose their claims (through de-dollarization, BRICS enlargement, etc.). Sanctions against the RF hamper the trade of a part of them, have failed in undermining Putin and his group, and have fed speculators whose cravings have resulted in the widespread increase in prices of consumer goods, fuels, electricity and gas rates. Inflation, and the measures (raising interest rates) imposed by the FED and ECB to cure it, have combined with anti-popular measures and raised people’s outrage and protest. The risk that the current war will lead to the use of tactical if not strategic nuclear weapons increases alarm and opposition to the war. So, it is possible that the U.S. imperialists will conclude that they must cede to the RF the areas it claims and make Zelensky a wealthy exile in the U.S. (or eliminate him). But even then, as Lenin put it, until Socialism wins this will be an armistice, a truce, a preparation for a new massacre of peoples, because for the U.S., Zionist and European imperialist groups and their satellites war is indispensable to maintain their domination over humanity (moreover, with military production, some of them accumulate enormous profits): they cannot do otherwise.
Trump’s inauguration and early measures, along with the truce in Gaza, confirm that the contradictions between imperialist groups are sharpening and their power is diminishing. Communists can make use of the opposition of the PRC, the RF and other countries to the world domination of the U.S. imperialists and the contradictions between imperialist groups as long as they work with science and determination for the development of Socialist revolution in their own countries.
The first imperialist country that will break the chains of the International Community of the U.S., Zionist and European imperialist groups, will start the fire that will stop the extension of World War III and liberate the world from the imperialist system. The rebirth of the conscious and organized Communist movement in the imperialist countries is the decisive factor in the future of humanity.