Antifascist Former Resistance Fighters Netherlands (AFVN)
The New Communist Party of the Netherlands (NCPN) has, for several years now, fully followed the line of the Greek comrades. From 2022 onwards this became entirely clear, when Russia’s Special Military Operation was presented as an inter-imperialist war.
Imperialism is regarded by them as a stage in which essentially all countries with capitalist relations are part of a pyramid, with the U.S. at the top of the hierarchy.
Other capitalist countries want to climb higher on this pyramid, which leads to inter-imperialist conflicts. According to this view, wars are waged only in order to obtain better positions within this hierarchy. Wars of national liberation supposedly no longer exist. Just like the KKE, but also like the Trotskyists, they claim that the contradiction between imperialist countries and countries oppressed by imperialism no longer exists. With the end of the colonial system, this contradiction is supposedly no longer relevant. In this context, these parties also never speak of neo-colonies.
According to this logic, there can be no resistance against imperialism from any country. Resistance to imperialism would in fact merely aim at securing a better position in the hierarchy. The arguments put forward in favor of this are in reality repetitions of the propaganda of our own imperialists. They, too, promote the idea that the rise of China is comparable to the rise of Germany before the First World War. Marx’s statement that the ruling ideas are always the ideas of the ruling class becomes particularly relevant here.
The NCPN is part of the ECA and although the EU is labeled as imperialist, there is absolutely no clarity about what the various EU countries are actually doing outside of Europe. In particular, the role of the Dutch ruling class is also left unclear. Only by ignoring the concrete crimes of the Netherlands and the other dominant EU countries can one reach the conclusion that a new Eurasian imperialist bloc comparable to the U.S. and the EU is emerging.
The claim that there are no oppressed countries anymore is, of course, nonsense.
Likewise, the idea that the working class in imperialist countries such as the Netherlands should not form an alliance with peoples fighting against imperialism is equally absurd. Now that the KKE is promoting a revisionist line within the Communist movement, it may be important to note that this line and the theory of the “imperialist pyramid” are relatively new. In its 1997 program, the KKE itself acknowledged the existence of anti-imperialist struggle. So the current theory of the KKE is less than 30 years old.
Naturally, Lenin always emphasized that under imperialism a strict distinction must be made between a handful of imperialist countries and the many oppressed countries. This also has direct consequences for the tactics and strategy that a Communist Party must pursue. When Lenin spoke of oppressed countries, he did not mean only formal colonies. According to the NCPN and KKE, the contradiction was between imperialist countries and colonies, and since the colonial system has ended, this contradiction is no longer relevant. Although it is never openly said that Lenin’s thesis is no longer relevant, in their writings the other two contradictions are cited but not this one. That is why some background on the concept of “oppressed countries” is necessary.
In his Foundations of Leninism, Stalin begins by listing the main contradictions under imperialism. He refers not only to colonized countries but also to dependent ones.
**Lenin called imperialism “moribund capitalism.”
Why? Because imperialism carries the contradictions of capitalism to their last bounds, to the extreme limit, beyond which revolution begins.
Of these contradictions, there are three which must be regarded as the most important.
The first contradiction is the contradiction between labour and capital. Imperialism is the omnipotence of the monopolist trusts and syndicates, of the banks and the financial oligarchy, in the industrial countries. In the fight against this omnipotence, the customary methods of the working class—trade unions and cooperatives, parliamentary parties and the parliamentary struggle—have proved to be totally inadequate. Either place yourself at the mercy of capital, eke out a wretched existence as of old and sink lower and lower, or adopt a new weapon—this is the alternative imperialism puts before the vast masses of the proletariat. Imperialism brings the working class to revolution. The second contradiction is the contradiction among the various financial groups and imperialist Powers in their struggle for sources of raw materials, for foreign territory. Imperialism is the export of capital to the sources of raw materials, the frenzied struggle for monopolist possession of these sources, the struggle for a redivision of the already divided world, a struggle waged with particular fury by new financial groups and Powers seeking a “place in the sun” against the old groups and Powers, which cling tenaciously to what they have seized. This frenzied struggle among the various groups of capitalists is notable in that it includes as an inevitable element imperialist wars, wars for the annexation of foreign territory. This circumstance, in its turn, is notable in that it leads to the mutual weakening of the imperialists, to the weakening of the position of capitalism in general, to the acceleration of the advent of the proletarian revolution and to the practical necessity of this revolution.
The third contradiction is the contradiction between the handful of ruling, “civilised” nations and the hundreds of millions of the colonial and dependent peoples of the world. Imperialism is the most barefaced exploitation and the most inhumane oppression of hundreds of millions of people inhabiting vast colonies and dependent countries. The purpose of this exploitation and of this oppression is to squeeze out super-profits. But in exploiting these countries imperialism is compelled to build these railways, factories and mills, industrial and commercial centers. The appearance of a class of proletarians, the emergence of a native intelligentsia, the awakening of national consciousness, the growth of the liberation movement—such are the inevitable results of this “policy.” The growth of the revolutionary movement in all colonies and dependent countries without exception clearly testifies to this fact. This circumstance is of importance for the proletariat inasmuch as it saps radically the position of capitalism by converting the colonies and dependent countries from reserves of imperialism into reserves of the proletarian revolution.**
Just before the Second World War the book History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was published, in which these contradictions were repeated several times.
Lenin showed that in the era of imperialism the capitalist yoke becomes more and more oppressive, that under imperialism the revolt of the proletariat against the foundations of capitalism grows, and that the elements of a revolutionary outbreak accumulate in capitalist countries. Lenin showed that in the era of imperialism the revolutionary crisis in the colonial and dependent countries becomes more acute, that the elements of revolt against imperialism, the elements of a war of liberation from imperialism accumulate. Lenin showed that under imperialism the unevenness of development and the contradictions of capitalism have grown particularly acute, that the struggle for markets and fields for the export of capital, the struggle for colonies, for sources of raw material, makes periodical imperialist wars for the redivision of the world inevitable.
And later, when it speaks about the rise of fascism:
The world economic crisis further aggravated the contradictions between the imperialist states, between the victor countries and the vanquished countries, between the imperialist states and the colonial and dependent countries, between the workers and the capitalists, between the peasants and the landlords.
After Stalin’s death, confusion arose in the Communist world, and from the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union onward, revisionism became dominant in that country. It is important to know that the CPN was the only European party that did not go along with the anti-Stalin narratives and defended China against Soviet attacks. The party suffered interference from the Soviet Union as a result. This was also part of the criticism raised by those fighting revisionism in the international communist movement. Among them were successful revolutionaries such as Mao, Enver Hoxha, and Kim Il Sung, who took on the task of fighting revisionism. At a time when many colonies had already gained independence, they stated:
In the Middle East, two kinds of contradictions and three kinds of forces are in conflict. The two kinds of contradictions are: first, those between different imperialist powers, that is, between the United States and Britain and between the United States and France and, second, those between the imperialist powers and the oppressed nations. The three kinds of forces are: one, the United States, the biggest imperialist power, two, Britain and France, second-rate imperialist powers, and three, the oppressed nations. Asia and Africa are today the main areas of imperialist contention. National independence movements have emerged in these regions. The methods the United States employs are now violent, now non-violent, and this is the game it is playing in the Middle East.
Peaceful coexistence between two opposing systems does not imply, as the modern revisionists claim, that we should give up the class struggle. On the contrary, the class struggle must continue, the political and ideological struggle against imperialism, against bourgeois and revisionist ideology, should become ever more intense. While struggling consistently to establish Leninist peaceful coexistence, while making no concessions on principles to imperialism, we should develop the class struggle in the capitalist countries, as well as the national liberation movement of the peoples of colonial and dependent countries.
The modern revisionists even oppose the national liberation struggle in colonies, clamouring for peaceful coexistence with imperialism. They regard the armed struggle of the oppressed peoples as a “spark” that could ignite a “worldwide thermonuclear war”, and they disparage the national liberation struggle as a “suicidal act” or a “reckless act inviting human destruction”.
When we apply this analysis to the current situation, it becomes clear that the line of the KKE and NCPN is revisionist and harmful. By presenting all wars as inter-imperialist, they deny the existence of national liberation struggles and the possibility of anti-imperialist resistance. This also has direct consequences for the political practice of communists in the Netherlands.
If one claims that Russia and China are simply imperialist powers competing for a better position in the “imperialist pyramid,” then one must also conclude that solidarity with countries resisting U.S. imperialism is unnecessary or even wrong. In practice, this means that one adopts a neutral position in the struggle between oppressed peoples and imperialism. But neutrality in such cases is never truly neutral: it objectively favors imperialism.
Take the war in Ukraine as an example. According to the NCPN, this is an inter- imperialist war between Russia and NATO. But this is not the case. Ukraine is a neo-colony of the West, with a government installed and maintained through imperialist interference. The 2014 Maidan coup was orchestrated by the U.S. and the EU in order to integrate Ukraine into NATO and the EU. The Ukrainian government represses communists, bans opposition, and glorifies fascist collaborators. Russia’s intervention must be seen in this context. While Russia is itself a country which still has capitalist elements (the market economy) with its own oligarchs, its actions in Ukraine cannot simply be equated with NATO aggression.
To do so is to repeat Western propaganda.
Another example is China. According to the “imperialist pyramid” theory, China is merely an emerging imperialist power. But China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty, invests in infrastructure projects in Asia and Africa, and pursues policies that benefit developing countries. Of course, China is not socialist in the sense that Lenin and Mao envisioned, but it is also not an imperialist power in the same way as the U.S. or EU. To claim that China is imperialist is to ignore the reality of neo-colonial exploitation by Western powers.
For communists in the Netherlands, the most important task is to fight Dutch imperialism. The Netherlands is not a neutral bystander but an active participant in NATO wars, EU exploitation, and neo-colonial domination. Dutch companies profit enormously from the plunder of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Shell, Philips, Unilever, Heineken, ING—all of them are active in exploiting oppressed countries.
The Dutch state supports this with military interventions, political interference, and economic agreements.
If we adopt the KKE/NCPN line, we effectively ignore the role of Dutch imperialism.
By speaking only in abstract terms about “inter-imperialist contradictions,” we fail to expose the concrete crimes of our own ruling class. This leads to passivity: instead of mobilizing the working class against Dutch imperialism, one retreats into abstract slogans about “all imperialists being equally bad.” But this is not Leninism. Lenin always emphasized that communists in imperialist countries must fight their own bourgeoisie first and foremost.
Ultimately, independence is not primarily about political independence but about economic independence. This is also the reason for all the coups initiated by imperialists after the Second World War. Efforts were always made to reverse steps toward sovereignty, particularly economic sovereignty, such as the nationalization of parts of industry.
Our positions must always be supported by evidence, especially economic facts.
The 2022 Forbes website shows very visually where multinationals are actually located. Research into plundering and plundered countries also reveals who is plundering, from which countries, and where the plunder goes. The world cannot be understood if communists deny the contradiction between imperialist countries and oppressed countries. By doing so, we deny on the one hand the crimes committed by the Netherlands and the EU abroad—something we already hardly address—and on the other hand, we deny the legitimacy of armed struggle and need not support it. But as Lenin teaches us, if we do not support the struggle of oppressed peoples against our own bourgeoisie, we are nothing more than traitors to the struggle and must be regarded as social-imperialists.
In these directions the following will objectively come together:
• The revolutionary labour movement in the capitalist countries.
• The countries that are building socialism under the particularly difficult conditions of domination by international capital.
• The anti-imperialist movements in the countries that are oppressed by imperialist centres.
Common action by these forces is capable of combating imperialist expansionism and impunity.
References
• Programme of KKE
http://solidnet.org/article/b11ee13f-e2bc-11e8-a7f8-42723ed76c54/
• https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1924/foundations-leninism/ch01.htm
• https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch06.htm
• https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch11.htm
• https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume- 5/mswv5_57.htm
• https://redstarpublishers.org/HoxhaSpeech1960.pdf
• https://medium.com/@alaricus96/on-the-reactionary-nature-of-modern-revisionism-and-our-partys-revolutionary-stand-against-53764565bbf8
• K. Marx, Armoede van de Filosofie, p. 209
• Marx & Engels collected works, p. 389, https://www.koorosh-modaresi.com/MarxEngels/V6.pdf
• K. Marx, Kapitaal, p. 422 https://www.marxists.org/nederlands/marx-engels/1867/kapitaal/13.htm
• Outline of a Report on the Irish Question to the Communist Educational Association of German Workers in London
• https://www.npdoc.be/Martens-Ludo/1-mei/Toespraak-1994-05-01.htm
• Reflection on revolutionary and counterrevolutionary processes in the 20th and 21st centuries—Case studies Yugoslavia, under the heading “4) Deindustrialization and Economic Dependence” https://waporgan.org/? p=5128
• https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867/letters/67_11_30-abs.htm
• F. Engels, De beginselen van het communisme, p. 65
• https://fortune.com/franchise-list-page/visualize-the-global-500-2022/
• https://red-spark.org/2024/09/16/imperialism-now-we-have-some-n