Aminta Beleño Gómez | Colombian Communist Party
Introduction
After overcoming a global pandemic that filled us with uncertainty, anguish, sadness, and pain, with the most varied hopes for the flourishing of a new humanity; in opposition to the most dramatic projections of a future of total domination by the Western corporate elite that fed off the global spread of Covid-19; we find ourselves in a very complex reality that fits neither one nor the other.
The post-pandemic era awakens us to a context marked by the decline of capitalism and the advance of its destructive logic against those it considers objects of appropriation: nature, territories, peoples, women, girls, and boys, generating dissimilar and sophisticated forms of oppression.
And, in parallel, an awakening of consciences, resistance, and struggles, with a perspective of essential transformation, which seek to avoid the planetary chaos outlined without masks, from the hegemonic imperialist power. Consciences, resistance, and struggles that allow us to find ourselves, identify ourselves, and moralize ourselves, that is, to continue to exist.
This work is part of that cosmos of transformative practices that seek to come together to build another social existence. Six lines are proposed for the organization of a Leftist Feminist Strategic Agenda that aims to break the genome of all systems of oppression known to humanity: Patriarchy, developed to the maximum by transnationalized Capitalism[1], like oxygen that renews its neurons.
A Strategic Agenda among left-wing women will be a leap forward against the patriarchal hegemonic system, because it will allow us to articulate all the struggles that the multiplicity of injustices, exploitation, and violence generated by capital on a global scale forces us to wage.
A Strategic Agenda that is, and must be, feminist, because feminism is potentially transformative; it aims to destroy the genome of all the oppressive systems that humanity has experienced: patriarchy, a cursed legacy that operated against women in the first privatization and, from then on, protected all other known injustices and exclusions.
The six lines for a Leftist Feminist Strategic Agenda emerged at the Second Congress of Left-Wing Women (II Conarmiz), held in Caracas in 2019. They have now been edited to fit the 1st Conference of the World Anti-imperialist Women’s Platform, to be held in Caracas on October 20, 2025.
I. The struggle against war and for the massification of political mobilization
When I speak of war, I am not referring to confrontations of various kinds, in the class struggle or battle of ideas; much less to the exercise of armed struggle as legitimate defense of the peoples against systemic violence and imperialist occupation; but rather to the context of military offensive, the exercise of politics with weapons, or as Karl Von Clausewitz described it: “…the pure extension of politics by other means… an act of violence, committed to force our adversary to comply with our will…” (Clausewitz, 2003).
In this sense, a Left-wing Feminist Strategic Agenda must address the struggle against war, that is, anti-war activism, above all for the following reasons:
1. The destructive capacity developed by US imperialism and its allies, as well as the response of other world power blocs (Russia, China, North Korea, India, and Iran), even if conceived as defensive action, is the greatest danger we face, because it could lead to the destruction of the conditions for planetary life. Moreover, if we understand that systemic logic is unnatural, self-destructive, and totally different from our logic.
In this regard, the economic forecaster Jorge Beinstein warned of the contradiction, from a rational perspective of working humanity, of US warmongering policy:
We are faced with the concrete historical dynamic of instrumental rationality (bourgeois rationality), as it presents itself at the beginning of the 21st century, as an expression of the evolution, contradictions, dramas, needs, and possibilities of the dominant imperialist forces that develop it; in this case, the Western elites. This is a rationality interested only in the effectiveness of mechanisms for preserving and expanding power, increasingly bogged down in the short term and completely uninterested in the long-term consequences. In this sense, the chain of “rational solutions” to specific problems can become a sure path to disaster, to the collapse of the system, the rational (and amoral) effort to rebuild and preserve decadent capitalism becomes self-destruction… (Beinstein, 2014:21).
2. War is promoted to oxygenate the system: armament is a capitalist economic policy. Ideas in dispute are no longer of much interest. War corporations sell weapons to anyone who can buy them. This explains the constant global conflicts, as Jorge Beinstein noted:
…for just over a decade, we have been witnessing a kind of mega Vietnam diversified across various geographical areas, with different intensities and modalities; the empire’s view of the rest of the world is mainly military, with the periphery appearing to its ruling elite as a vast battlefield. It is a curious phenomenon in which the aggressors think and act as such, but where significant portions of those attacked have not realized that they are at war; they view the tragedies in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, or Colombia as limited theaters of war… (Beinstein, 2014:19).
This rationality of Western imperialism promotes conflicts within our peoples, with the preamble of lumpenization and exacerbation of the reptilian brain, from the prior implementation of mechanisms that desensitize and denature our younger generations, using another of the corporate arms industry’s tentacles: the media.
Above all, because it is difficult to distinguish the lines that separate journalism, propaganda, and war, since the substantive alliance between propaganda and war was coined (Beleño, 2016), masterfully articulated by Joseph Goebbels, Adolf Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda, the real ancestor of all the manipulation that is exercised today, from the communicational miracles of telematic networks. It is worth considering that:
The consequences of this perversion can be measured in different levels of distress, uncertainty, anxiety, confusion, psychotic dissociation, and loss of collective memory; in addition, in the internalization of violent behaviors, insensitive attitudes, and apathetic behaviors in large segments of the population lacking the ideological resources to overcome the media offensive that daily infiltrates their most intimate corners through the press, television, radio, computers, and cell phones. (Beleño, 2016:30)
3. War is anti-woman: the greatest victims of all wars are women, because the patriarchal gene treats us as trophies, uses us as a moral reference against the formal enemy to be destroyed, takes away our children, mothers, fathers, siblings, and comrades; it disrupts our existence so that we reproduce chaos and weaken our resistance. All this because, throughout human history, women have taken on the role of defenders of territory and culture.
Furthermore, wars bring consequences of violence that weigh heavily on women, from the economic impoverishment of the peoples who are the targets of aggression, to the affected psyches that respond aggressively to any disagreement, in the face of those who are considered, according to the patriarchal system, to be inferior or privatized beings. The wars we face are planned, they are a systemic strategy: warmongering. And this is:
…genetically patriarchal, since it was from patriarchy that the entire warlike praxis was built, which succeeded in destroying the original communal life, privatizing collective domains, depoliticizing the domestic space, naturalizing gender inequality, the heteronormative family, and class division; as well as creating the State, paternal law, and language, which legitimizes exclusion, dispossession, and violence…
…The warmongering of decadent global capitalism develops all forms of patriarchal violence and oppression, because it knows of women’s capacity for the natural defense of territories and cultures, as well as the economic wealth that their triple exploitation brings to all nations, including those that declare themselves revolutionary. It therefore places them as a moral reference point to be opposed as a trophy to the formal enemy. [3]
Warmongering is the perpetrator of sexual violence against women and girls as a mechanism of political confrontation. Let’s take a look:
In several Latin American countries, various recently formed research teams are currently studying the sexual crimes that occurred during internal conflicts in those countries and creating forensic and legal categories to apprehend, investigate, and prosecute this specific type of violence as war crimes…
…a case on which there is abundant literature, which even focuses on the analysis of systematic violence against indigenous women as a central component of the “internal conflict,” is that of Guatemala. There, military forces acting as paramilitaries attacked women from the various Mayan peoples who make up the indigenous majority in that country, subjecting them to acts of extreme cruelty and systematic rape that became public and resulted in the stigmatization and ostracism of these women, as a way of dissolving the social fabric, sowing mistrust, and breaking community solidarity. (Segato, 2018:78)
We find reliable and current evidence that women are the target of warmongering in Colombia: by October 2020, there had been 185 femicides, perpetrated by groups of armed men,[4] whose immediate and visible consequence was mass displacement. A specific case was recorded with Sandra Meneses, president of the Community Board of the village of La Esperanza, in La Caucana, Antioquia, northwestern Colombia, who was murdered on August 30 of the same year, after which 12 families were displaced, understanding the sacrifice of their leader as a collective threat. [5]
Likewise, the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war against women was evident in the repression exercised by the government of Iván Duque against those who participated in the national strike that began on April 28, 2021, in protest against neoliberal government measures that were strangling the working population: 22 days after the protest began, there were 27 reported cases of sexual violence carried out by police forces.
One case that gained notoriety due to the tragic magnitude of its consequences was that of the young Allisson Lizeth Salazar Miranda, who was detained by a group of officers belonging to the Mobile Anti-Riot Squad (Esmad) on the night of May 12 and raped at the place of her detention by four of those officers. Because she was a minor, Allisson was handed over to her relatives, but the next day she committed suicide, unable to bear the pain of the cruel humiliation. In messages she wrote to a friend, she revealed her agony: “…they groped me to my soul…”, she revealed.
It is impossible to hold back the tears, especially when watching the video recorded by one of the protesters, which shows the moment of the arbitrary arrest: the girl was fighting against a large number of police officers, dressed like typical Robocots. Allisson never showed fear, shouting: “Let me go, you’re undressing me!” Already on the ground, she took off the backpack she was carrying on her back and threw it at the feet of her captors. With all her bizarre innocence, she was heard to say: “I’m not doing anything, there’s the fucking bag…”
A day later, the world heard about her again when her family found her lifeless body. Her name continues to appear in the streets and at every march or protest.
4. War is ecocide: armed conflicts have always affected ecosystems. Arms production is polluting, and the use of bombs and missiles destroys life in all its forms, on land, in the air, and in water. Now, the ecocides of the wars of decadent capitalism are by no means a side effect; they are part of a destructive plan against ancestral and/or peasant communities, fauna, and flora, for the appropriation of territories that offer sources of enrichment, such as those treasured in the subsoil. In this regard, Beinstein pointed out that:
At the beginning of the 21st century, bourgeois civilization has turned its petty instrumental rationality into a death delirium, into a thanatic force that seeks to survive by feeding on the destruction of the planet (its population, its environmental context). (Beinstein, 2014:13)
Regarding the harmful relationships that Western capitalist patriarchal thinking seeks to impose, it is worth noting that: [6]
Decadent global capitalism is advancing on our common body: nature. It already knows how to control the reproduction of species by modifying their genetics. It is committed to breaking the fabric that the sun, moon, earth, wind, rain, plants, insects, birds, and female wombs weave to reproduce life…
…It has violated the bowels of the earth to steal its fossilized past and destroyed territories to erect commercial moles; it is also intervening in feminized bodies to use them as objects of commercial morbid curiosity and violating wombs to prevent childbirth and tax births. Furthermore, it is seeking to replace millions of women and men who work the land, mechanizing the historical agriculture that links us to our origins, cultures, memories, and sense of existence.
With equal clarity, Amaranta Herrero delves into the dangerous philosophy that guides the systemic moment:
Capitalist patriarchy reduces all of life to the value of money. The driving force behind the capitalist system is a logic of capital accumulation and profit-making. Through a series of social, cultural, economic, and political structures, it benefits a few at the expense of the majority and dangerously accelerates planetary entropy, with a suicidal dynamic. It puts all of life at the service of capital and, in doing so, not only increases social inequalities, but has also managed to bring the planet into a new geological era, hostile and unpredictable, irreversibly damaging the living beings that make up the fabric of life and even threatening human survival itself. (Herrero, 2017:22)
Beyond theoretical considerations, there is a terrifying reality generated by warmongering, which is rarely visible. According to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP): “The wars that Afghanistan endured since 1979 left a legacy of millions of landmines, contaminated water, ravaged forests, and cities without basic sanitation…”
Regarding the tragedy left by the war in that nation, Jorge Ballester Prieto[7] stated that:
…this country lost a third of its forests due to the war…the six protected areas that exist cover barely one percent of the territory. These reserves are home to rapidly declining species such as bears, sheep, various birds, and snow leopards. Most of the animals are hunted for food or sold by refugees or farmers desperate for food…
Likewise, we are faced with environmental chaos, in addition to the human chaos we are familiar with, caused by the Zionist invasion of Palestine:
…environmental degradation, water pollution, loss of vegetation, and waste management are factors that have had a severe impact on the environment. The increase in hazardous waste, the contamination of shared aquifers, and other environmental damage in the territories occupied (by Israel) threaten this generation and future generations…
Similarly, Ballester Prieto sounded the alarm by detailing the environmental impact of the 1991 invasion of Iraq, known as the “Gulf War”:
…it marked a turning point in the environmental consequences of wars. It was the first time that pollution was used as a tactic of war. More than 700 oil wells were deliberately set on fire… and between six and eight million barrels of oil were spilled into the sea to defend against attacks by the international coalition. As a result, 80,000 tons of greenhouse gases were released and 500 kilometers of coastline were contaminated.
5. War is the antithesis of the political participation of the majority, and of women: the structures that must be created to confront the armed aggression of imperialism, even from unconventional popular resistance movements such as guerrillas or militias, are bound by verticality, by command and obedience. And, because violence and brute force generally determine the outcome, women are usually excluded from decisive positions of command.
After the end of armed conflicts, these traces mark the journey of the people who took up arms. Restructuring to collectively exercise thought and action requires many factors that extend over time, where the system takes advantage and advances, with patriarchal marks at the forefront. On the other hand, true revolutions are made by willing majorities, capable of orienting themselves and making decisions when necessary. Essentially, armed confrontation is not the determining factor, but rather a result:
The use of weapons as a decisive factor and/or main form of struggle, which enshrines armed conflict as the beginning and end of any process of liberation and transformation, is another myth that not only individualizes and masculinizes the protagonists, but also erases the stages prior to any military confrontation, which begin with a collective awareness of organization and political mobilization, where weapons are considered necessary when other practices prove insufficient.
It also obscures the importance of methods of struggle that are essential to enabling the formation of armed insurgencies and victorious parties, such as intelligence and counterintelligence, propaganda, planning, logistics, and political organization. Because no people form liberation armies without first realizing that they are subjugated, understanding that only through struggle will they achieve emancipation, and organizing themselves to that end.
So, we return here to the excluded masses and the gender rendered invisible by patriarchal mythologizing. Returning to the process of our First Independence in the Patria Grande, we find that, until the end of the last century, 70% of historiographical production was devoted to the period of the War of Independence; and of that 70%, the narrative of battles and biographies of male military heroism is overwhelming.
Neither the gestating process of the War of Independence, which lasted more than three centuries, nor the participation of the masses, nor the civilian protagonism, much less that of women, who were essential, is weighed.
What is glorified is the military confrontation, which lasted barely fifteen years, and the individual protagonism of military leaders, who were a collective result that owes the female gender transcendental elements for the accumulation of forces: from the descendants born and raised with an ideology of independence oriented towards struggle, to the political practices that tracked information, confused the enemy, spread ideas, challenged institutions, generated uprisings, provided logistics, and, when the time came, took up arms[8].
Therefore, if we want to build a new society, it is urgent to socialize popular democracy and horizontality, where gender equality is imperative; premises that are incompatible with war.
For all these reasons, we must take up a frontal struggle against imperialist war, organize national and global campaigns for the political resolution of conflicts, against atomic, nuclear, and all types of weapons, especially those that cause mass destruction and ecocide.
Likewise, we must fight against any mechanism that promotes and encourages the use of weapons, such as war toys, whether tangible or virtual. Left-wing feminism must embrace the slogan “Territories free of war, territories for peace.”
At the same time, we left-wing women must promote the massification of political mobilization and electoral participation. We must oppose the imperialist and systemic enemy with insurrections, popular uprisings, boycotts, general strikes, or takeovers. Likewise, legal decisions, from elections to consultations, plebiscites, referendums, and repeals. To their military power, we must oppose our collective, constructive, and defensive power.
Examples of the potential of the masses as popular power can be found, For example, in Colombia: the mass insurrection of 2021 transcended months throughout the territory, inventing forms of collective denunciation, defense, and protection, managing to turn the world’s gaze toward itself, and defeating two of the four anti-popular reforms proposed by the government of Iván Duque, which were the ones that generated the National Strike.
Recently, it was the ongoing popular mobilization in support of the social reforms proposed by President Gustavo Petro Urrego that succeeded, after multiple attempts by the right wing in Congress to oppose them, in getting the pension and labor reforms approved, which are essentially aimed at vindicating the rights of the working class.
Likewise, in Haiti, the collective unconscious of that libertarian Africa that beat the first triumphant drum against European colonialism in Our America has fought in the streets and continues to actively resist a tyranny that senses its end.
Cuba, as a state, nation, and people, fights against the blockade and sanctions from a geographical position that makes it vulnerable to any attempt at isolation, with its own ammunition: dignity, solidarity, scientific urgency, love of art, fondness for sports, and an irrefutable conviction that it will never again be a U.S. colony. Ignoring its limitations, knowing that only 80 miles separate it from the most dangerous military power on the planet, it maintains a national security policy that is alien to the armament of its population, with inevitably admirable results because it does not register the normalized violence of the rest of the world. In the midst of the pandemic, while some powers continued to compete to show off their missile power, Cuba surprised the world with five anti-COVID-19 vaccines.
And here in Venezuela, the ideology of 21st Century Socialism that Commander Chávez raised up from his Bolivarian Revolution is being built in a silent, constructive resistance that includes productive trials, where social property is promoted. Such socialist embryos coexist with capitalist production and exchange, which is widely dominant; that is to say, Chávez promoted a model where different types of property are juxtaposed (Figueroa, 2020). For our purposes, it is worth noting that:
…the proletarians of the Patria Grande (Great Homeland) have, therefore, in the collectivist experiences developed in Venezuela over the last two decades-even with their shortcomings-experiences and elements for theoretical and practical construction. Undoubtedly, this is an invaluable contribution to the goal of rebuilding a strategic horizon for humanity… (Figueroa, 2020:11)
Furthermore, and within the framework of the Unilateral Coercive Measures imposed by the United States Government against the Bolivarian Government, which weigh heavily on women; every day, countless women living in Venezuela’s popular communities move with stoic heroism to maintain the continuity of social programs, such as the Local Councils for Socialist Supply and Production (Claps), structured by the national government to alleviate the affected economies of millions of families through the delivery of subsidized food. This is what has come to be called “social motherhood,” the extension of the sacrifice in time and labor that women make in their domestic space to the social family, which attempts to establish itself in the communes.
II. The battle for national independence, towards the end of colonialism in all its expressions and spaces
Internationalism is feminist. It implies recognizing the right to self-determination and independence of all nations oppressed by anachronistic but surviving colonialism. We must take a leap against the global complicity that has kept the specter of colonialism alive.
It is feminist to fight for the rights of nations that have not been allowed to be sovereign or achieve statehood, because colonialism is a breeding ground for the permanent regeneration of patriarchy, which is internationally untouchable.
Colonialism denies origins, ancestral culture, language, and mother territory; it violates national identity and distorts colonial exploitative relationships, covering them up as state affinities, misplacing the memory of violence that inhabits every state built on an invaded nation.
In today’s world, there are peoples who continue to walk with the shackles of feudal colonial parasitism, the survival of a past that is rendered invisible from the shadows of capital globalization and narrated on the world stage as a thing of the past.
One example among many is the Canary Islands, located in the Atlantic Ocean off the northwest coast of Africa, a nation that has maintained its status as a colony of Spain since it was invaded in the 15th century, with the consequent enslavement of its original people: the Guanches community.
We can learn firsthand about the dire consequences of the Spanish state’s continued colonial occupation of the Canary Islands from those who claim to be descendants of the original inhabitants:
As a result of persistent Spanish colonization, exacerbated by the current global systemic crisis of world capitalism, Canarian society suffers from the most negative socio-economic indicators in the entire Spanish state, namely: plundering and pillaging of the economic resources generated on the islands (the Spanish treasury and foreign capitalist companies extract enormous amounts of money and wealth every year, which are never disclosed) ; an unemployment rate of 21%; 40.2% of the Canarian population is at risk of poverty and/or social exclusion in 2017, according to the 2018 AROPE report by the European Anti Poverty Network (EAPN); high school failure rates (less than 3% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is spent on education); strong cultural alienation, deterioration of healthcare with overcrowding and long waiting lists; lack of democracy with an electoral law that imposes restrictive thresholds of 4% nationally and 15% on the islands to obtain institutional representation in the Canary Islands regional parliament; fragile and undiversified socio-economic structure (more than 80% of the economy is concentrated in hospitality-tourism and cement-construction); high social inequality, high dependence on foreign food (more than 90% of the food consumed by the Canarian people is imported); malnutrition exceeding 20%, strong administrative division into two provinces in constant conflict and litigation, the working class with the lowest wages and longest working hours in Spain; high prevalence of mental illness and high consumption of psychotropic drugs, especially among women (anxiolytics, antidepressants, and sleeping pills); total absence of public banking, finance, and fiscal policy in the Canary Islands; mass media in the hands of the bourgeoisie and oligarchy, more than 95%; urban planning paradox: a shortage of housing for the Canarian people, but an abundance for Spanish and European colonizers (one-third of homes are unoccupied, as many are second or third residences of Spaniards and Europeans who live there seasonally for a few months a year)[9].
To the current plundering of the wealth generated in the Canary Islands, we must add the future and potential plundering of the hydrocarbons and multiple metals contained in the Atlantic ocean floor off the Canary Islands. Likewise, in addition to potential underwater mining, there is the possibility of land-based mining of “rare earths” contained in the earth’s crust of some islands such as Gran Canaria, as nine researchers from four universities have published in the prestigious scientific journal Journal of Geochemical Exploration.
Oceanographic studies of the seabed surrounding the Canary Islands carried out since 2010 reveal the existence of the world’s largest reserves of strategic minerals of high value for modern technology, such as tellurium, hafnium, nickel, cobalt, iron, manganese, antimony, arsenic, lead, and molybdenum. Likewise, oceanographic and terrestrial studies point to the existence of light rare earths containing metals and elements of high value for telephony, defense, computers, and space devices (lanthanum, cerium, praseodymium, neodymium, promethium, samarium, scandium, yttrium).
In addition to the picture described above, which reveals the radical essence of the Spanish state and the fatal feudal genetics of capitalism, the maintenance of this territory under European colonial rule represents a constant threat to any project of emancipation in the world, due to geopolitics and globalization, which translates into the possibility of globalizing the exercise of force against libertarian thought, which is still defended in dispersion and has not yet achieved the utopia of its articulation.
For the geopolitics that ties together systemic action, the Canary Islands, located opposite Morocco, the Sahara, and Mauritania, give this territory “a tri-continental nature and an enclave of high geopolitical and geostrategic value between Africa, Europe, and America. This geopolitical position makes the Canary Islands a very desirable property for the deep state that governs the decadent imperialism of the gringos.”[10]
As Rita María Rodríguez, spokesperson for the Colectivo de Mujeres Independentistas de Canarias (Collective of Independentist Women of the Canary Islands), stated after the Spanish and European colonization of the Canary Islands:
…added to this is the imperialist strategy of the US, which has turned our islands into a platform for aggression, exploitation, plunder, and looting of the wealth of our sister peoples on the African continent. The plans of the Africa Command (Africom) and the Terrorist Organization for the Attack on Nations (NATO) with the military and mining ports of Arinaga and Agaete (Gran Canaria), Granadilla (Tenerife) and Puerto de Tazacorte (La Palma) are the most tangible demonstration of such threats.
Therefore, taking up the fight against colonialism and for the right of all invaded nations to be independent and to organize themselves as sovereign states is not only an internationalist principle; it is a necessity for our very existence. Nations fighting against the colonial yoke are fighting against global capitalism in its dangerous imperialist existence.
In this regard, Rukaden Arehukas Teguise, spokesperson for the Canarian National Liberation Movement, said:
The Canarian people said, overwhelmingly: NO! to NATO in the referendum of March 12, 1986; and that democratic decision of our people has not been respected by Spain, the European Union, or the United States of America.
…we continue to defend that the solution…is the decolonization and independence of our islands, which will pave the way for the national, social, and psychological liberation of the Canarian people.
…the female sector of the Canarian population is the most negatively affected… we are aware that we need international solidarity and the hard work of raising awareness and organizing our Canarian women to achieve their mobilization and active participation in the exciting emancipatory process that awaits us.
The liberation of the Canary Islands will undoubtedly have positive repercussions, not only for the women of the archipelago, but also for the women and peoples of Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. The sisterhood between Africa and America passes through the Canary Islands…
The consciousness and struggle of the original nation of the Canary Islands, the Guanches community, which survives in the current Canarian generations, is just one example of the significance of the independence struggles waged by other peoples, such as the Catalans, Basques, and Galicians, within the Spanish state. Not to mention Palestine, the people of Kurdistan and the Sahrawi, among many other nations that face both the oppressive specter of the colonial past and the ill-fated, decadent, eco-genocidal capitalism.
It is up to us, as left-wing feminists, to raise our banners for the definitive elimination of colonialism, for a world of sovereign territories and populations.
III. The integration of ecosocialism among feminist banners, as a duty to defend Mother Nature
If any defense is feminist, it is one that promotes respect for the first mother: nature, the space where diversity does not contradict itself, but rather complements itself. It is women who reproduce and protect life. Therefore, every left-wing feminist woman must be outraged by any practice that harms and sacrifices the first mother, embodied in the air, the earth, the water, the plants, and other animals.
Left-wing feminists must join the environmental struggles that are taking shape in a varied and colorful range, including: the fight against extractivism, because it violates the bowels of the earth to plunder its sap in order to increase the wealth of global elites, destroying ancestral spaces and indigenous cultures; as well as criticizing and taking action against the industrialization of life, which aims to replace natural and collective processes in order to mechanize every possible space from the perspective of systemic hegemony; the same hegemony that is invading us with genetically modified products, whose essence, in addition to poisoning us, is the privatization of seeds, stem cells, and the very natural dynamics of life’s reproduction.
Ecological battles also take on the defense of the rights of other animals to a life free from abuse, torture, and unnecessary sacrifice; a struggle that has made progress, such as the “Universal Declaration of Animal Rights,” approved by the UN,[11] a victory against insensitivity to the suffering of the different species that accompany us on this planet; and which is the foundation of indolence against any injustice, since it is based on the malevolent patriarchal human-centered (androcentric) conception.
It is a way of thinking structured around the terrible binary opposition between the categories of nature and society, in order to legitimize patriarchal, classist, and unnatural violence. This binary opposition was imposed on us:
From the foundational Judeo-Christian myth that posits, by divine mandate, of course, the right of man to dominate the Earth and all the species that exist on it, imposed by European colonization against the ancestral visions of respect and admiration for natural forces; to the human-centered reasoning of Greek philosophy: “…man is the measure of all things…”, inherited by rationalism and the bourgeois revolutions in their humanist philosophy; we arrive at decadent global capitalism, practicing the greatest abuses against Mother Nature, in application of those theories that deify the human species above all that exists, inside and outside the planet, since even the colonization of the moon and other stars is already planned.[12]
The unity of Feminism with Environmentalism has been proposed for more than three decades, when extensive dialogue began on different forms of feminism, including Environmental Feminism, later identified as Ecofeminism;[13] after recognizing characteristic links between the plundering of women and the exploitation of Mother Nature.
Just as women are diverse and the inequalities and injustices imposed on us by the patriarchal capitalist system are varied, Ecofeminism also has a complex set of guidelines, including essentialism, spiritualism, constructivism, animalism, and the queer tendency. In general terms, it is a praxis constructed by the articulation of three social currents: Feminism, Environmentalism, and Pacifism.
In this sense, it is up to us, as left-wing women who advocate for the necessary transition towards the construction of a different system, the total antithesis of capitalism, to assume, from our feminism, the necessary unity with ecofeminists, especially when:
Ecofeminisms are expanding and becoming increasingly important. The ecofeminist perspective is gaining momentum and influence, expanding responsibilities and alliances between different social movements. At the root of ecofeminism lies the idea that multiple systems of oppression feed off each other. Both in theory and in practice, ecofeminists build alliances among those who fight against sexism, capitalism, racism, heterosexism, colonialism, speciesism, and environmental destruction.
In short, ecological feminisms are developing a new ethical, social, cultural, and political project in response to the crisis of patriarchal, consumerist, and individualistic values promoted by Western societies (Herrero, 2017: 27).
Eco-socialism is part of this inevitable convergence of thoughts and actions, a movement that emerged from among the dogmas that did not understand the class struggle as a struggle for respect for all life, for the consecration of the nature-humanity community.
Yet, my memory is still fresh with the stigma levelled against those of us who brought environmentalism and feminism into debates and actions. These vindications of the ancestral collective unconscious, which lived on in our militant generation, were classified as distractions from the right, thrown into the arena of class struggle to divert us from the main objective, among other erroneous assessments.
Now, the global left agrees on the urgent need to defend the ecosystem, because environmental destruction is leading to the destruction of the planet. And so, we are reminded of true Marxism/Engelsism:
In the development of productive forces, a stage is reached where productive forces and means of exchange arise which, under existing relations, can only be sources of evil, since they are not forces of production, but rather forces of destruction (Engels and Marx, 1974:81).
It is worth remembering Jorge Beinstein, always determined to delve into the honest complexity of the studies bequeathed to us by Engels and Marx, manipulated thousands of times on a whim by the self-proclaimed vanguards, who viewed with suspicion some of the issues that both fighters identified as related to the struggles of the proletariat, included in their liberating self-praxis[14]; among these: Feminism and Environmentalism.
Beinstein dedicated his last work, Marx: Pending Issues (completed hours before his journey to immortality), to demonstrating that there is a total affinity between Marxism-Engelsism and the issues forbidden by orthodoxy. Let us read:
The devastation of natural resources, threatening the reproduction of the system, was pointed out by Marx, and the emergence of environmental issues highlighted his observations on the existence of the metabolism between human society and nature, subordinating the sustainable reproduction of humanity to that of a larger, overarching space that includes it in such a way that social development that manages to break this metabolism, damaging the environmental context, makes human existence itself unviable.
Marx’s concept of the fracture of the humanity-nature metabolism, a product of capitalist development, has been repeatedly presented as proof that Marx did not limit his analysis to the economic contradictions of the system, but extended his focus to the ecological sphere (Beinstein, 2019:10).
In one of his concluding notes, this thinker asserted:
It is possible to broaden Marx’s vision to include issues such as racist, ethnic, religious, ageist, and other forms of oppression, leading to the perception of bourgeois civilization not as a simple capitalist machine for extracting surplus value, but as a complex articulation of different forms of oppression and destructive exploitation of human beings and their environment, where levels, relative weights, and concrete channels of interaction appear. This in no way dilutes the class struggle into an amorphous whole, but rather places it historically within the dynamics of civilization (Beinstein, 2019:48).
Finally, let us leave Engels telling us that holistic power over existence “…is not the domain of someone outside nature, but that we, through our flesh, our blood, and our brains, belong to nature, we are at its heart…” Likewise, that “…nothing in nature happens in isolation. Each phenomenon affects another and is, in turn, influenced by it…” (Engels, 1876:5).
IV. The appropriation of the media battle as a frontline scenario against systemic war
Information, communication, and propaganda, exercised from the media hegemony of the system, have generated two realities: one virtual and the other social. Today, the media is the forefront of systemic, imperialist, and patriarchal warfare.
A Left-wing Feminist Strategic Agenda must approach the media battle from two directions and with one objective.
The first direction: to contradict, block, and neutralize the alienating orientations of the enemy’s hegemonic media (Beleño, 2017); the second, to generate content that strengthens the popular imagination, the female worldview, and social sensitivity (Beleño, 2018).
The objective: to rebuild our inner field, made up of family, community, and grassroots organizations, in order to build essential and defining trenches against the ideological battle that sustains the perpetuation of all forms of oppression.
It is important to question the dominant language and semantics that, visibly and invisibly, are imbued with an absolutist systemic logic, where inequalities of all kinds are hidden and naturalized. And, if we understand that language is an expression of power and also sustains it, the hegemonic media can only offer us codes that legitimize both the ruling elite and the culture of domination.
Therefore, we must view the media as a globalized arena, where traditional media, the Internet, telephony, telematic networks, and Artificial Intelligence are inscribed.
And it is not enough to understand it as an enemy arena of conflict; we must also stand up against this vanguard of capital, study it, and learn which media outlets exert the most influence on our peoples, which platform dominates content in our community, and which formal, semantic, and positional language codes underpin the systemic patriarchal culture. It is essential to identify gaps, denials, conceptual distortions, and legal omissions that legitimize and/or render invisible violence, normalize sexism and the objectification of women, girls, boys, and sexual diversities, behind which sexual exploitation, human trafficking, and the induction of psychotropic drug use, among other crimes, are protected.
It is possible to overcome victimization and leap over the traps that decadent capitalism, in its globalization, has set for us. Those buried mines that explode every day, denying and distorting us, that rumble in those two inverse realities: the social and the virtual, carry a code for their deactivation: collective consciousness and its articulation.
During the pandemic, we learned a lot, among other things, to find ourselves beyond the physical and the usual. Telematic networks have displaced traditional media and have been embraced by our vulnerable population. Now, they are serving as a support for us to debate, denounce, accompany, support, assist, study, add, and make visible.
Therefore, we must schedule our offensive media articulation to confront this fatality staged on blind spots and begin to turn on the lights to reveal the sinister maneuvers of capital.
V. Study as an urgent necessity for existence
Theory and practice are inseparable. Our strategy must focus on educating ourselves and our women to confront ideas, critically identify and materially combat everyday practices where patriarchy and other injustices operate and reproduce themselves.
In this regard, I propose to move beyond the concept of cadre schools and replace it with spiral schools, for one simple reason: cadres are closed spaces that have nothing to do with the dialectical development of life, thought, or social being.
This concept is a transfer of masculine war mechanics, carried over from the old colony; it is a metaphor very typical of vertical, rough spaces, where conditioning operates rather than critical thinking. They have embedded it in our slang and tattooed it on our tongues, repeating ad nauseam that the most prominent people in a struggle are “cadres.” And that our highest aspiration, as left-wing activists, must be to become a cadre. Well, it is time to confront the historical semantics that do not reflect us. We, the women of the left, the feminists, the granddaughters of the witches they could never burn, do not fit into a square. The closed lines that are constantly repeated do not define us. We belong to the line drawn by nature itself: the spiral.
Spirals are constant and ascending developments. Our feminine, revolutionary identity is outlined as a perfect spiral, in sublime connection with the primordial grandmother: the Milky Way.
Now, the consciousness of the feminine imagination, where that stolen past of our ancestral origins is always screaming, that collective unconscious or that latent presence that psychoanalysis spoke to us about, is recognizing the contradiction of the sketches that distort our natural subjectivity; the one that, if we ignore it, anchors us.
In this regard, it is pertinent to review the reflections of the women’s organization “Espiral Feminista Revolucionaria” (Revolutionary Feminist Spiral), who live in the state of Lara, Venezuela:
…the proposal to live life in a Spiral dynamic, as a certainty of the evolution of consciousness, from a comprehensive view of the world, is a liberating principle that poses multiple challenges in the construction of Feminist Socialism; from the small, from the space closest to us, which is ourselves; from our ally, the Comrade Body, which allows us to have a feminine worldview for the re-signification of oppression.
This dynamic allows us to return to the natural cycles that Patriarchy and Capitalism have taken from our memory and recover the way we relate to everything in a Spiral, non-linear time, reconnecting us with the relationship of respect between humans and nature; saving its fruits for sustenance, and not for the accumulation of capital…
We dive into deep waters and understand that, by starting to reclaim the wisdom of our ancestors, we can understand ourselves in many situations and move towards achieving Buen Vivir (Good Living). By trying to innovate and contribute new terms and forms of organization, we propose to build a feminist aesthetic committed to our ancestors, to knowledge, and to our advancement.
We feel the closeness of the dream we have achieved, re-signifying the feminine to rediscover ourselves as guardians of the ancestral seed, messengers of the voice of the women who came before us, disposers of dreams, sowers of the libertarian word, and singers of the song that awakens us to life each morning; in a dynamic Spiral that transforms material and spiritual conditions through political action at all stages of life, and in a permanent decision to recover from our ancestry a whole matriarchal space that protects our sisterly coexistence along the paths we walk, in step with the moon (Beleño, 2018:133).
This need to study strengthens our fighting spirit, because it illuminates our journey, revealing both denied truths and infinite connections with the diverse, suffering, and thinking world of which we are a part.
The importance of educating ourselves, of always studying, does not imply a simple accumulation of knowledge, but rather a rethinking of the philosophy that moves us, in that need to turn the social universe upside down, where we are a celestial body.
And it is linked to the analysis of the three known dimensions of time: past, present, and future, because the only thing that can transform is strategic thinking, the awareness that we are championing a historical cause that will not be resolved in the immediate present, which requires the application of a tactical multiplicity that involves our inner field and those outer domains.
In this critical approach to history, which ties together the three dimensions of the old chronos, we women of the left must leverage ourselves; for everything that afflicts us lies further back than the present and can disappear into the history we dream of for the granddaughters of these witches, who today invoke torrents and untie winds against the bonfires planned by the inquisitors of decadence.
VI. The Commune as a future commitment to the creation of another economy
Categorically, no state will be able to liberate us. As long as the state exists, there will be oppressive classes and structures, because the state arose after patriarchy, private property, and classes, and through violence, in order to sustain itself from this. Friedrich Engels explained it to us in these simple terms:
The state is by no means a power imposed from outside society. Nor is it “the reality of the moral idea” or “the image of reality and reason,” as Hegel claims. Rather, it is a product of society when it reaches a certain stage of development. It is the confession that this society has become entangled in an irremediable contradiction with itself and is divided by irreconcilable antagonisms that it is powerless to resolve. But in order to prevent these antagonisms, these classes with conflicting economic interests, from devouring themselves and consuming society in a fruitless struggle, a power is needed that is apparently above society and called upon to cushion the clash, to keep it within the limits of “order.” And that power, born of society but placed above it and increasingly divorced from it, is the State (Engels, 2007:258).
The Commune as a form of economic, political, and social organization, as a defense and preservation of the micro, a valorization of ancestral knowledge and natural mestizaje, must be our strategy. No, the Communal State, even if that is the concept coined and conceived as a transition to the Communal Society.
Because even the strategy, which is the Communal Society, cannot be achieved by decree or by invocation alone. There must be a long process of qualitative changes, which will accumulate to bring about the leap.
We women of the left must be united by the Commune proposal, because it brings together the original element of common space for common beings, with common rights and duties. The space where we live and care for life, produce and reproduce, study and project ourselves; where we meet and unite.
From the Commune, we can rethink the systemic industrial parameters of production:[15]who, what, how, and for what is produced? This is a reflection/transformation that only Communal Power can achieve.
Likewise, the redefinition of the concept and organization of the family to transcend blood and kinship ties, towards the rescue of the Gens, from the perspective of our present context, with our sights set on our ideal future.
It is not very difficult to imagine a near future that restores the beauty of the ancient past, similar to how remote communities lived in their vernacular form of large families, called Gens: …without soldiers, gendarmes, or police, without nobility, without kings, governors, prefects, or judges, without prisons or trials, everything runs smoothly. All quarrels and conflicts are settled by the community concerned… (Engels, 2007:177)
The Commune is the fundamental commitment to transforming the patriarchal, standardized, unjust, and unequal family, which broke the natural social fabric, since Barbarism, and continues to overlap with the struggles of the affronted collective unconscious.
Doesn’t the social motherhood that our women community members exercise on a daily basis, to guarantee food, services, information, unity, and sisterhood, represent a step on the ladder to the heaven of communal society? Of course it does.
By raising awareness against the parameter that burdens women with domestic tasks, that is, by socializing these tasks, we can perceive the implantation of an embryo with the genome of a New Possible World, growing in the womb of our praxis.
The communes that today are an example of conviction and resistance in Venezuela[16] are confronting the concentration and monopoly of productive processes in spaces outside the collective, the common; This implies the industrialization of all life, which disarticulates us as common social beings, turning us into cogs in the toxic, consumerist serial production of global capitalism, which in no way consults the real needs and natural possibilities of our territory, our workforce, or our articulated social thought.
However, the patriarchal parameters that govern the economic, social, and political life of the community project are still not being clearly and consciously questioned. For example, domestic and care work continues to weigh heavily on the shoulders of our women. For all these reasons, our Leftist Feminist Strategic Agenda must recognize the Commune as a potential space for fighting against all patriarchal foundations of the popular economy.
From these spaces, we can begin to deconstruct transcendental issues such as the lack of real recognition of the value of domestic and care work, a fact that creates domestic slavery for women and girls. We must consider the organization of communal kitchens and laundries, for example, where these tasks are collectivized, with the participation of all inhabitants: women and men. This would give community members free time to study, enjoy recreation, and participate equitably and decisively in public and political affairs. It would also help to break down a fundamental pillar of all class-based societies: the assignment of roles by gender and the appropriation of domestic and care work by the dominant male elites.
Similarly, in the Commune, shelters and safe houses can be built for our women and children in vulnerable situations, facing the patriarchal violence that is reproduced in the home, thus bringing to light this type of crime that is hidden in our neighborhoods.
In the Commune, meeting centers can be created for the exchange of ancestral knowledge, which remains in the hands of mothers and grandmothers. Schools for the formation of spirals that transcend these times have their genome in the Commune.
In short, the potential of the Commune for the other economy, the collective, equitable, communist economy, is the potential for another society, that of utopia.
Let us join Commander Chávez in his cry: “Commune or Nothing!” Of course, adding something magical: “Anti-patriarchal Commune or Nothing!”
Conclusion
The end of the previous decade surprised us with a pandemic that only distinguished human bodies, but which took root in the pre-existing vulnerabilities of those who had only their labor and inventiveness to keep them going.
The global consequences were viewed from opposing perspectives. Meanwhile, from the hegemonic power, the tragedy was narrated in terms of calculated losses of profit; for the exploited, everyday life was disrupted by catastrophes that brought about helplessness, hunger, sudden and unburied deaths, and a horizon of infinite uncertainty.
Meanwhile, for the vast majority of women, the patriarchal curse increased its violence, redimensioned domestic slavery, and limited sisterly defenses in the face of the physical distancing required to prevent the spread of COVID-19.
In the current decade, in the post-pandemic era, we have been assaulted by a monstrosity developed to an unimaginable level: the eco-genocide perpetrated against the ancestral people of Palestine by the new Nazi fascism, called Zionism, has broken any globally established parameter on the basic right to life. All international conventions for the respect of human rights, all codes of war, have been repealed by the will of imperialism.
Faced with the impunity that violates our souls, in every corner of the planet, humanity has taken to the streets in clear rebellion against this 21st-century barbarism, to the point of assuming internationalist heroism, at all risks, with initiatives such as the Freedom Flotillas, which set sail to bring aid to the people of Gaza who are resisting the bombs and the siege of food, water, medicine, and basic supplies for life.
The death statistics, the images of child suffering, of the pain endured by mothers, of the torture of those who are captured, among other aberrations of Zionism, reflect the magnitude of the tragedy that we will face, as humanity as a whole, if a global decision is not made to confront and stop imperialism.
At the same time, the resilience of the Palestinian people, the various forms of struggle they have taken up to continue to exist and triumph against the decision to exterminate them, as well as the instinctive popular rebellion against Zionist eco-genocide, both in the bowels of the monster and throughout the world, demonstrate that there is a counter-hegemonic subjectivity, a mass awakening of critical consciousness that can be transformed into an objective force to rebuild ourselves planetarily and defeat capitalist decadence. Consciences, resistance, and struggles that cry out:
We are still here, we still exist!
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Notes
[1] By transnationalized capitalism, I am referring to that specific historical phase in the development of capital, noted and characterized by Lenin as “imperialism.”1
[2]The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, written by Friedrich Engels in 1884, describes with precise sources how humanity moved from a communal life based on the gens and maternal law to a society of exploitative elites sustained by inequalities of gender, class, race, and ethnicity. Available at:
[3] Beleño Gómez, A. (2023). Tras las huellas del gen maldito/Crítica a la sociedad patriarcal (In the footsteps of the cursed gene/Critique of patriarchal society). Editorial Trinchera.
[4] See: Observatorio de Feminicidios Colombia (Colombian Feminicide Observatory), Red Feminista Antimilitarista (Anti-Militarist Feminist Network), Bulletin, September 15, 2020. Available at: https://observatoriofeminicidioscolombia.org/index.php/seguimiento/noticias/439-alerta-el-52-de-los-feminicidios-encolombia-son-cometidos-por-hombres-en-armas
[5] Beleño Gómez, A. (2023). Tras las huellas del gen maldito/Crítica a la sociedad patriarcal (In the Footsteps of the Cursed Gene/Critique of Patriarchal Society). Editorial Trinchera.
[6] Beleño Gómez, A. (2023). Tras las huellas del gen maldito/Crítica a la sociedad patriarcal (In the Footsteps of the Cursed Gene/Critique of Patriarchal Society). Editorial Trinchera.
[7] “Impact of wars on the environment,” Jorge Ballester Prieto in Scientific Information System Network of Scientific Journals of Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain, and Portugal. Santiago de Cuba, 2008. Available at: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=181515031005
[8] Beleño Gómez, A. (2023). Tras las huellas del gen maldito/Crítica a la sociedad patriarcal. Editorial Trinchera.
[9] Report extracted from the presentation given by the Canary Islands Independent Women’s Collective (CMIC) and the Canary Islands National Liberation Movement (MLNC) at the Second Congress of Left-Wing Women (II Conarmiz), held between November 8 and 11, 2019, at the Venezuelan School of Planning in Caracas.
[10] Ibid.
[11] The Universal Declaration of Animal Rights was adopted by the International League for Animal Rights and affiliated National Leagues during the Third Meeting on Animal Rights, held in London from September 21 to 23, 1977. It was proclaimed on October 15, 1978, by the International League, the National Leagues, and individuals associated with them. In 1998, it was approved by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
[12] Beleño Gómez, A. (2023). Tras las huellas del gen maldito/Crítica a la sociedad patriarcal (In the Footsteps of the Cursed Gene/Critique of Patriarchal Society). Editorial Trinchera.
[13] The term “Ecofeminism” is credited to Françoise dʾÈaubonne, in 1974. At the end of that decade, it was socialized in the context of global protests against the destruction of the ecosystem.
[14] The concept of “liberating autopraxis” or “autopraxis of the oppressed” is part of the current discussions on profound expressions by Marx and Engels that have undergone alterations in various interpretations and translations from their original language to others, such as Spanish. In general terms, it is interpreted as opposed to the conception of a left-wing intelligentsia, located in a position superior to the working classes of the proletariat, who attribute to themselves, or are granted, the role of drawing the lines for building socialism.
[15] On this subject, we recommend consulting Pérez and Soler (2013): “Agroecology and Ecofeminism to decolonize and depatriarchalize globalized food,” in International Journal of Political Thought.
[16] In this regard, Venezuelan historian Amílcar Figueroa Salazar, in his essay “The Commune: a substantive element of the socialist transition,” mapped out the potential of communes in Venezuela, in the contradictory context of economic development in the national reality. The text will be available in digital format on the Editorial Trinchera networks.