Dimitrios Patelis | Founding member of the Revolutionary Theory Group (Greece)
Introduction
The present era is characterised by the terminal decay of the capitalist mode of production in its highest and final stage: imperialism. This era is defined by an escalating general crisis of the global capitalist system, manifesting as a multi-front inter-imperialist and anti-imperialist conflict―a Third World War (WWIII). This war is the logical culmination of capitalism’s intensifying fundamental contradiction, whereby the productive forces have become incompatible with the constraints of capitalist relations of production on a global scale.
In this context, the African continent embodies the entire bloody history of capitalist primary accumulation, colonial super-exploitation and national liberation struggles in concentrated form.
1. The historical context: The imperialist ‘scramble’ and its shifting borders. The transition from colonialism to neocolonialism
From the late 19th century onwards, European powers systematically conquered, subjugated and partitioned Africa in a process often referred to as the ‘Scramble for Africa’. This was a deliberate strategy of exploitation which involved co-opting support of local populations to help subjugate rival African societies. The formal framework for this violent division was established at the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885.
In the three decades prior to 1884, European control in Africa was minimal and was mainly limited to coastal trading posts. By 1885, less than 10% of the continent was under European control. However, by 1914, this figure had soared to almost 90%, with only Liberia and Ethiopia remaining independent.
The Berlin Conference was pivotal because it established the ‘rules’ for conquest and partition. These rules legitimised the idea of Africa as a playground for outsiders and denied Africans a say in their own fate. While the conference did not create the borders, it set the framework for what would become a violent and destabilising process of partition.
This division was a continuous process of competition and renegotiation. A significant redivision occurred after the First World War, when the Treaty of Versailles stripped Germany of its African colonies (such as Togoland, Cameroon, German South West Africa and German East Africa). These territories were reallocated as League of Nations ‘mandates’ to the victorious Allied powers (primarily Britain, France, Belgium and South Africa), a system that perpetuated colonial domination under an international veneer.
• Methods of Conquest and Subjugation
The European conquest of Africa was an uneven, brutal and often chaotic series of military campaigns. Different powers employed various strategies and encountered varying degrees of resistance. While the motivations were economic and strategic, the methods were consistently violent.
• The Belgian Congo: Perhaps the most infamous example of colonial brutality was King Leopold II’s rule over the Congo Free State (1885-1908). Leopold treated the territory as his personal property, running an extractive economy focused on ivory and rubber. The local army, the Force Publique, commanded by European officers, was used to enforce rubber quotas through terror, mutilation and mass killings. It is estimated that as many as 10 million Congolese people died as a result of this brutal regime.
• French West Africa: France, too, consolidated its control through a series of campaigns. For instance, the French conquest of what is now Senegal involved decades of fighting against powerful Islamic states in the interior, such as the Imamate of Futa Toro and the Kingdom of Jolof. The French used a combination of treaties, bribery and military force, often pitting one African state against another, to eventually establish control.
• British South Africa: The British fought numerous wars of conquest. The Anglo-Zulu War (1879) is a classic example of this, beginning with the British invasion of Zululand. The Zulu army famously annihilated a British column at the Battle of Isandlwana, but the British ultimately prevailed, burning the Zulu capital and partitioning the kingdom. Similarly, the Second Boer War (1899-1902) was fought between the British Empire and two independent Boer republics. This resulted in the deaths of thousands of Boer civilians in concentration camps, and consolidated British control over South Africa.
• German South West Africa: The German campaign in what is now Namibia resulted in the genocide of the Herero and Nama peoples (1904-1908). After the Herero people rose up in rebellion, General Lothar von Trotha issued an ‘extermination order’, driving them into the Omaheke Desert, where tens of thousands died of thirst and starvation. Those who survived were placed in concentration camps, where they were subjected to forced labour. This was the first genocide of the 20th century.
• The division and redivision of peoples and resources
The borders drawn were arbitrary, with straight lines being drawn across maps regardless of existing ethnic, cultural or political boundaries. The aim was not to create stable nations, but to carve out spheres of influence and secure access to resources.
The Berlin Conference established the ‘Principle of Effective Occupation’. This meant that a European power could not simply claim territory, but had to demonstrate actual control by establishing a colonial administration. Rather than limiting conquest, this rule accelerated it, as powers rushed to establish de facto control on the ground before their rivals could.
The main drivers of this were the primary resources, the raw materials needed by the industries of the metropolitan imperialist countries:
• Rubber: In the Congo and elsewhere, rubber was a strategic commodity, essential for tyres, seals and insulation.
• Ivory: highly prized in Europe and America for use in luxury goods such as piano keys and billiard balls.
• Diamonds and gold: The discovery of diamonds at Kimberley in 1867 and gold in the Witwatersrand in 1886 in South Africa transformed the region, attracting massive investment and triggering the Second Boer War, as the British Empire sought to control these immensely valuable resources.
• Palm oil and cocoa: essential for lubricants, soaps, and the growing European chocolate industry.
• Another major driver of the scramble was the strategic value of controlling the Nile. Having occupied Egypt in 1882, Britain saw control of the Nile’s headwaters in East Africa as essential to its security. This led to conflicts with other powers, such as France, in events like the Fashoda Incident of 1898.
• The use of local populations to subjugate others.
A key feature of colonial conquest was the extensive use of African soldiers and intermediaries to conquer and control other Africans. This ‘divide and rule’ strategy was cost-effective for the colonial powers, and deeply destabilising for African societies.
• Askari soldiers: Colonial powers recruited local soldiers, known as askaris, to serve in their armies. These soldiers were often recruited from one ethnic group and deployed to pacify another, deliberately creating and exacerbating ethnic divisions. For instance, the British King’s African Rifles were recruited in Kenya, Uganda, and Sudan, and were deployed to suppress rebellions throughout East Africa. The Belgian Force Publique, recruited from across the Congo, was notorious for its brutality in enforcing the rubber regime.
• Collaborating Chiefs: The Europeans also relied on collaborating African chiefs to serve as local administrators, tax collectors and labour recruiters. In exchange for their cooperation, these chiefs were given privileges, titles and power over their rivals. This practice, a form of ‘indirect rule’, created a class of African intermediaries whose authority depended on the colonial state, thus further entrenching the system of exploitation.
2. Aspects of the imperialist exploitation of Africa.
When viewed through the lens of Marxist-Leninist political economy, the exploitation of Africa is a core and systematic feature of global capitalism and certainly not accidental. It is a continuous process of extracting surplus value, transitioning from direct colonial plunder to more complex neocolonial mechanisms that perpetuate the continent’s role as the periphery, the supplier of cheap raw materials and labour that fuel the imperialist core.
• Resource Plunder and Unequal Exchange
Whilst Africa is extraordinarily rich in natural resources, this wealth has not translated into widespread prosperity for its people. Instead, it has often resulted in a ‘resource curse’, characterised by economic stagnation, corruption and conflict. Imperialist corporations extract raw materials, capturing immense value while leaving behind environmental degradation and poverty.
Key indicators & data:
Africa’s share of global trade: Only 2-3%, despite having 18% of the world’s population.
Share of global mineral reserves: Platinum group metals (~84-92%), chromium (~95%), cobalt (55%) and manganese (~47-69%).
The annual loss to illicit financial flows (IFFs) in extractive industries alone is approximately $40 billion.
• Illicit financial flows (IFFs)
IFFs represent the lifeblood of neocolonial extraction. This involves the legal or illegal movement of money across borders via mechanisms such as trade misinvoicing, transfer pricing and profit shifting through tax havens.
Key indicators and data:
Total annual IFFs from Africa. These are estimated at around $88.6 billion per year, though some estimates are higher, at around $90 billion.
The annual loss from trade-related IFFs (e.g. misinvoicing) is estimated at approximately $152.9 billion (estimate for Sub-Saharan Africa in 2022).
South Africa’s cumulative 10-year IFF loss (2013-2022): $478 billion.
• Financial subjugation (debt and currency)
Imperialist financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank use debt as a tool of control. Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), which were imposed in the 1980s and 1990s, forced African nations to privatise state assets, cut public spending and open their markets. This often had devastating social consequences. Additionally, the CFA franc, a colonial-era currency used by 14 African nations, is a potent symbol of French neo-colonialism given that France has historically controlled a significant proportion of the foreign reserves of member states.
Key indicators and data:
Africa’s total external debt: It has ballooned from $228 billion in 1990 to $1.86 trillion today.
Annual debt service payments: Approximately $163 billion, with 57% of Africans living in countries where debt repayments exceed spending on health and education combined.
African countries in or at high risk of debt distress: 22 to 24 low-income countries in Sub-Saharan Africa are either in debt distress or at high risk of it, representing a significant increase from just eight countries in 2015.
• Land Grabbing:
This is a modern form of primary accumulation whereby large-scale land acquisitions (LSLAs) by foreign investors displace local communities to produce cash crops or biofuels for export. This displaces local communities and further entrenches food insecurity and dependency.
Key indicators and data:
Transnational land deals in Africa. These account for 27% of all global deals concluded since 2019. Africa is the most targeted continent for these deals, accounting for 37% of global agricultural transactions.
Scale of land acquired: Between 2010 and 2020, 7.3 million hectares were leased or acquired in sub-Saharan Africa.
Example: Liberia. 14.6% of Liberia’s total land area (1.6 million hectares) has been acquired through LSLAs.
• Military and political intervention:
The United States and France have an extensive network of military bases across the continent. These bases are justified as being for ‘counterterrorism’ but are widely viewed as a means of securing access to resources and political influence. Prime examples include the US AFRICOM and French Operation Barkhane. Historically, CIA activities have been used to undermine anti-imperialist movements and install friendly regimes.
Key indicators and data:
US military facilities in Africa: There are approximately 29 known bases in 15 countries, though some sources count up to 52 facilities, including drone bases.
French military bases in Africa: French military presence in Africa has undergone a significant reduction, with only one French military base remaining in Djibouti and smaller logistical and support elements in Gabon.
• Intellectual and labour force drain:
The systematic extraction of its skilled labour force, also known as ‘brain drain’, robs Africa of its most valuable resource for development.
Key indicators and data:
Number of African migrants abroad: Over 40 million (as of 2024).
Financial cost of brain drain: estimated annual loss of nearly $4 billion (UNCTAD, 2023).
Specific examples: Between 2019 and 2024, Nigeria has lost around 16,000 doctors to other countries, specifically the US and the UK, as well as 75,000 nurses and midwives. Between 2018 and 2021, Ghana has lost over 3,000 health professionals to the UK alone.
3. On the main forms of exploitation in Kenya resulting from the colonial and neocolonial policies
The exploitation of Kenya is not a simple continuation of British colonial rule. Formal political independence in 1963 gave way to a deeper and more insidious system of neocolonialism. This system is managed by a comprador bourgeoisie―a local ruling class who act as intermediaries and enforce neoliberal policies that dismantle state-led development, opening the economy to foreign capital and ultimately serving external interests over national welfare.
Historically, imperialist superexploitation in Kenya passed through two phases:
Phase 1: Colonial Extraction (1895-1963)
The British colonial project was brutal, a typical example of primary accumulation of capital.
• Land alienation: The violent expropriation of Kenya’s most fertile lands formed the bedrock of colonial exploitation. The Carter Land Commission (1933) formalised this theft by allocating just 1.9 million hectares to over a million Africans, while granting 4.3 million hectares of prime farmland to only 17,000 European settlers. By 1948, 3,000 British settlers owned 31,000 square kilometres of the ‘White Highlands’, while 1.25 million Kikuyu people were confined to 5,200 square kilometres. This system created a permanent landless labour force.
• Labour coercion: This land alienation was paired with forced labour, enforced through a system of ‘hut and poll taxes’ that compelled Africans to work for low wages on European farms and in colonial industries. This process of ‘accumulation by dispossession’ ensured a cheap and captive workforce.
Phase 2: Neocolonial Subjugation (1963-present)
• When Kenya gained independence, the British orchestrated a ‘Faustian pact’, transferring power to a national bourgeoisie led by Jomo Kenyatta who were integrated into the global capitalist system.
• New Economic Management: The bourgeoisie maintained the colonial economic structure, ensuring that Kenya remained a primary commodity exporter for British and multinational capital.
• Washington Consensus Policies: The new comprador bourgeoisie, along with international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, have since imposed policies that further entrench exploitation.
• Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs): Starting in the 1980s, these programmes mandated trade liberalisation, privatisation of state assets and the removal of subsidies, which crippled local industries and social services. This constitutes real ‘economic colonialism’.
• Military presence and intervention: The US Africa Command (AFRICOM) operates a network of bases and drone facilities in Kenya, ostensibly for ‘counterterrorism’, but these bases primarily serve to protect resource extraction, erode national sovereignty and maintain the country’s position within US control. AFRICOM is another tool of neocolonialism.
Primary forms of exploitation and key indicators
The mechanisms of neocolonial exploitation are multifaceted and extend far beyond simple resource extraction.
• Land alienation and modern land grabbing
The original colonial theft of land remains an open wound and a source of ongoing conflict. Colonial-era land seizures have not been adequately resolved. Modern forms of this exploitation include large-scale land acquisitions by foreign investors and multinational agribusinesses.
Data/indicators:
• A dispute in 2025 between the British-owned tea company Eastern Produce Kenya (EPK) and local farmers in Nandi County, involving 350 hectares of contested land, shows a direct line from colonial expropriation to modern corporate control.
• The case of a 520-acre agricultural project by an Israeli investor in Nakuru County sparked fears of ‘land grabbing’ and ‘neo-colonialism’, highlighting how foreign investment turns into a new form of land alienation.
• Financial subjugation and the debt trap
Control over finance is a cornerstone of neocolonial power.
• Mechanism: The IMF and World Bank use loans as leverage to impose austerity measures that cripple public services and enrich foreign creditors. Kenya is caught in a cycle of borrowing to service existing debt.
Data/indicators:
• Kenya’s total public debt has increased to KSh 11.97 trillion (approx. US$92.83 billion), representing 67.4% of GDP.
• The country now spends more on servicing its debt than on all other items in the national budget combined. By 2023-24, interest payments on domestic debt alone (KSh 533.689 billion) were double those on foreign loans.
• In 2025, Kenya’s youth unemployment rate―a direct consequence of an economy stripped of industry and public sector jobs―soared past 38%, with one estimate placing it as high as 67% for those aged 15-34.
• Illicit financial flows (IFFs)
This is the ‘bleeding’ of Kenyan wealth orchestrated by multinational corporations.
• Mechanism: Corporations use transfer pricing, manipulating the price of goods and services traded between their subsidiaries, to shift profits to low-tax jurisdictions and avoid Kenyan taxes. A 2025 report found that Kenya loses critical revenue daily through such ‘aggressive tax avoidance’.
Data/indicators:
• A 2025 study found that foreign multinational corporations in Kenya systematically engage in tax avoidance by exploiting loopholes in the country’s tax laws.
• In a landmark case, the Kenyan Revenue Authority ordered Del Monte Kenya to pay KSh 1.76 billion for using transfer pricing to minimise its Kenyan tax obligations.
• The Role of the Comprador Bourgeoisie:
The local ruling class are not passive victims, but active collaborators in this system.
• Mechanism: This class emerged from the independence movement and enriched itself by taking over colonial-era assets and integrating its interests with foreign capital. It has formed a ‘powerful lobby against development’, blocking policies that would promote self-reliance.
Data/indicators:
• In a striking example of ‘state capture’, ‘politically connected elites’ (PEPs) are the largest bloc of domestic creditors, holding approximately half of the domestic debt and consequently a quarter of the total national debt. They profit directly from the high-interest government securities they helped create.
• This domestic debt (KSh 7.052 trillion) now accounts for 55.6% of the national debt and is primarily held by local banks and insurance companies that are also owned by these elites.
• Military and political intervention
The presence of the US military serves as the ultimate guarantor of neocolonial extraction.
• Mechanism: The U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) provides a ‘security’ framework that protects Western corporate interests and influences Kenyan foreign policy.
Data/indicators:
• The U.S. has at least 29 military facilities across Africa, including a key drone base and outpost in Kenya that serves as a hub for operations across East and the Horn of Africa.
• A leaked Pentagon map from 2019 revealed a network of bases which, according to analysts, ‘chip away at the sovereignty of African nations’ and guarantee U.S. corporations ‘a front-row seat to Africa’s minerals’.
4. The Stage of Imperialism: Decay, Parasitism and Unequal Development
In the early 20th century, the first stage of the scientific and technological revolution (the beginning of automation in production, factory departments and laboratories, unified energy and productive complexes and the production of in series and in sequence, as well as mass production via assembly lines―Fordism and Taylorism, for example) paved the way for the intensive development of imperialism.
Humanity is currently living in the era of the decay and decline of capitalism and its monopoly stage of imperialism. This stage is characterised by the subordination of all of humanity to the interests of the most powerful transnational monopoly groups and the imperialist states that serve as their headquarters.
Key features of this stage include:
• Transformation of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism: The fundamental contradiction between wage labour (actual living labour) and capital (dead labour of the past, crystallised in the means of production) has been radically transformed. The export of capital displaces the export of commodities, establishing an extremely unequal international division of labour within the global capitalist system. The extraction of surplus value becomes globalised in the form of monopoly super-profits extracted by the oligarchy of monopoly capital from countries with average or below-average levels of development.
• Inequality: It is not a natural or racial condition, but rather the historical consequence of unequal global development imposed and reinforced by the mechanisms of imperialist super-exploitation. Racism and the ideology of ‘superior/inferior peoples’ serve as ideological justifications for this superexploitation, they are not its cause.
• Imposition of Capitalist Relations: Under imperialism, capitalist relations of production are forcibly imposed as a colonial superstructure on diverse pre-capitalist, and even pre-class, social structures (such as clan and tribe communities). Dependent colonial and neocolonial development only partially transforms these legacies, rendering them ‘functional’ for reproducing the structures of dependency and super-exploitation required by imperialist centres. Neocolonialism is the continuation of colonial economic and political domination by imperialist powers after the colonised country has gained formal independence. It is achieved through financial, trade and military means rather than direct rule. Therefore, the development of imperialist economies is intrinsically linked to the underdevelopment of African economies, trapping them in a state of dependency.
• The Parasitic Hyperaccumulation Loop: Imperialism expands and deepens a cycle of parasitic hyperaccumulation. It employs fictitious capital and financial leverage to intensify its fundamental contradiction at every level: national, regional and global. The financial oligarchy’s primary goal is to maintain the sources of its parasitism at all costs: the extraction of monopoly super-profits from the periphery.
Today, capitalism has reached a stage at which: The potential for domination by transnational monopoly groups and financial capital has reached saturation point; instantaneous financial flows have taken on exceptional importance; the technological basis for the global integration of production (initiated by these groups) is being created; dramatic inequality is emerging between countries with a real productive base and parasitic imperialist countries; the global dominance of international monopoly groups, their states and transnational organs is being challenged; and the struggle to cut off traditional colonial and neocolonial forces from their regional and global sources of parasitism is intensifying due to the rapid strengthening of the forces of anti-imperialism and socialism.
5. The dialectical unity of anti-imperialism and socialism
The struggle against colonialism, intervention and all forms of neo-colonialism―the struggle for national liberation and anti-imperialism―is not separate from the struggle for socialism, but rather constitutes an organic prerequisite in the dependent and semi-colonial world. This is rooted in the internal unity of contradictions on a global scale. This struggle represents the fundamental level of the global class struggle.
• Socialism from the ‘weak links’: The era of socialist revolutions begins at the imperialist stage. Revolutions arise from the ‘weak links’ of the global imperialist system―countries where internal contradictions (class and national) are most intensely intertwined with regional and global contradictions. These countries are typically at an average or below-average level of development of the productive forces.
• Early Socialism and the Resolution of Bourgeois-Democratic Tasks: Early socialist revolutions are organically linked to the resolution of tasks linked to ‘normal’ capitalist development that the imperialist system prevents, such as achieving national independence, popular sovereignty and the right of nations to self-determination, as well as breaking free from dependency and feudal or pre-capitalist remnants.
• The ‘Three Worlds’ System as a Unified Process: The historical emergence of the ‘three worlds’ (first world: imperialist centres; second world: socialist countries; third world: dependent and neo-colonial countries) is not a static division, but rather a description of a unified global system in transition. The interaction of its parts is contradictory and dynamic.
• The struggle to break free from imperialist exploitation is inextricably linked to the class struggle against foreign domination and the domestic comprador bourgeoisie. The working class plays a leading and decisive role in this struggle. Furthermore, genuine, stable national independence is impossible without socialist revolutionary transformations and internationalist support. The prospect of transitioning from the early to the late socialist revolutions depends on detaching the imperialist countries from their sources of super-exploitation and parasitism.
6. The Fundamental Contradiction and its Imperialist Modification
• The fundamental contradiction of history: The contradiction between human labour activity upon nature (productive forces) and the social relations of production between human beings.
• Under capitalism: This manifests as the contradiction between living labour (present-day workers) and dead labour (capital accumulated in the material means of production and dead labour of the past, crystallised in the means of production). Nature is transformed into conditions of production and, while workers gain formal legal freedom, their labour power becomes a commodity. However, the conditions of production (capital) dominate living labour as an alien, hostile force. This class antagonism manifests as ‘untamed, animal-like’ relations, indicating that the dialectical sublation (‘Aufhebung’) of the natural by the social, of nature by civilisation, has not yet been achieved under capitalism.
• Under imperialism: This fundamental contradiction appears on a global scale as the conflict between imperialist states in the centre (home to multinational monopoly groups) and the vast periphery (where superexploitation occurs). This results in the polarisation of imperialism versus anti-imperialism, forming the strategic field of class struggle at an international level.
• Consequently, the global class struggle manifests as competition and life-or-death conflict between the global capitalist system as a whole (the imperialist centre and its periphery) and the global system of early socialism. The so-called ‘Third World’ is not a passive, neutral space, but a dynamic arena for the global class struggle and a manifestation of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism. This takes the form of a conflict between the forces of socialism and anti-imperialism, and the forces of imperialism.
7. The three component parts of the unified revolutionary process
Based on scientific Marxist research, we can conclude that three interconnected forces of human progress have emerged as key components of the global revolutionary movement.
1. The forces of early socialism: The existing early socialist states and socialist-oriented projects represent a material and ideological alternative to capitalism.
2. The forces of anti-imperialism: Movements and states engaged in the struggle against neocolonialism, dependency and imperialist domination, particularly in the periphery. The African anti-imperialist movement is a primary and powerful expression of this force.
3. The forces of the workers’ communist movement within the global capitalist system: The revolutionary proletariat and its vanguard parties operating within capitalist states, including the imperialist core, who are working to overthrow bourgeois rule.
Conclusion: The strategic task for World War III
The historical trajectory of Kenya and other African countries is an example of the inherently predatory relationship of capital towards humanity and nature. This process involves:
• primary Accumulation by Violence: The conquest of indigenous peoples, their enslavement and genocide, and the systematic plunder of human and natural resources.
• Colonial super-exploitation: An industrial-scale system of extraction combining direct colonial plunder with the transatlantic slave trade, which led to the genocide of millions across Africa and the Americas.
• Divide and rule tactics: The strategic manipulation and provocation of inter-tribal, clan, ethnic and religious conflicts to fracture the unity of the colonised. This is a core imperialist tactic.
This predatory relationship is intrinsic to capitalism and becomes an industrially and institutionally permanent feature under imperialism, enforced by military conquest and occupation to partition and repartition territories, populations, markets and spheres of influence. The history of Africa is thus a history of heroic resistance, with waves of uprisings, national liberation wars and anti-colonial struggles. Crucially, every victory of the anti-imperialist movement in Africa and globally has historically been linked to the victories and material support of the early socialist states (the USSR, the PRC, the DPRK, Vietnam and Cuba), demonstrating the internationalist character of the revolutionary process.
The attack on Iran represents a qualitative and fundamental escalation of WWIII. What Iran and the Axis of Resistance have achieved so far is a brilliant victory for the global anti-imperialist movement.
Never before in history has such a significant part of the US war machine, including its navy and air force, as well as the numerous bases and infrastructure located in strategically important satellite countries, been struck. Never before has the Zionist entity suffered such large-scale and strategically important blows. For the first time, we have witnessed such a massive retaliatory strike against the vanguard, advanced infrastructure of the axis, as well as its power projection outposts.
In the context of escalating World War III, the primary task of the global revolutionary movement is to reconsolidate and coordinate these three components into a unified socio-political and ideological subject. This unified front must be capable of seizing the strategic initiative in all areas of the life-or-death confrontation with the US-led imperialist axis, not merely of sporadic resistance.
This is not a matter of choice, but an absolute necessity for the survival of humanity, the victory of progressive forces and the successful outcome of the upcoming great wave of anti-imperialist and socialist uprisings and revolutions. A conscious, scientific approach to this war, guided by Marxist theory, is decisive for a positive outcome.
The World Anti-Imperialist Platform (WAP) serves as the organisational vehicle for this task, aiming to forge optimal organic connections between the forces of early socialism, anti-imperialism (including the African movement) and the global communist movement, uniting them into a victorious revolutionary front.
CLOSE THE US-NATO BASES AND KICK OUT ALL THE OCCUPATION TROOPS!
CRUSH THE US-NATO-EU-ZIONIST AXIS IN IRAN AND ON ALL FRONTS!
CRUSH ALL FORMS OF NEOCOLONIALISM IN AFRICA AND ALL OVER THE WORLD!
VICTORY FOR THE FORCES OF SOCIALISM AND ANTI-IMPERIALISM!
UNITY WITH THE GOALS OF THE FRONTAL STRUGGLE OF THE PEOPLES’ HOPE, THE WORLD ANTIIMPERIALIST PLATFORM!