Dialectics and indonesian specificity at the time of imperialism’s agony

Revolutionary greetings!
First of all, let me thank the organizers of this meeting, and in particular the PDP, for the chance and honor to be able to participate, express my thoughts and feelings regarding the current situation in Indonesia. Of course, it is not about luck and honor for me personally, but for the struggling Indonesian people.
58 years have passed since the 1965 genocide, and the atrocities, arrests, torture and forced labor that followed it. Despite some attempts at home and abroad to revive it, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) is still waiting to make its comeback.
At certain times, like a ghost, it “resurrects”—we talk about it in the media, we see so-called “arrests” of members or successors of the PKI on TV. The information comes with photos, t-shirts, flags and other attributes of the PKI, with the hammer and sickle. Which is really ridiculous, because the PKI’s attributes never came in yellow and red, but always in red and white. It is clear that all this is just an invention, in order to have once again the opportunity to frighten the people, to have a pretext to oppress them, to repress them, in other words, to perpetuate the fear and hatred towards the PKI. After being checked by our fellow artists involved in printing t-shirts, it turned out that it was true, 1,000 Vietnam-style T-shirts (in yellow and red) had been printed on the orders of someone close to a General DS. It’s clear now.
Even more absurd are the raids on bookstores with confiscation of works supposed to “propagate the forbidden teachings of Marxism”. In 2019, the police and army even confiscated books attacking the PKI. Raids against books have even become counterproductive because they trigger reactions of growing solidarity from “pelapaks” (small book sellers or mobile booksellers). On the other hand, this also proves that there is a growing interest among the population in books providing alternative versions of history.
Young people feel disorientated—they discover that for years they have been lied to, or that something has been hidden from them. From a young age in primary school, children were forced to watch the traumatic film “Pengkhianatan G-30’S PKI” (“The Betrayal of the PKI”) every year for 13 years since 1984. And now they are discovering that the film is a pack of lies. The obligation to show this film at school was removed 4 months after the fall of Suharto, in September 1998. But some generals have still tried from time to time to reestablish this obligation.
58 years have gone—as dialectics tells us nothing is permanent, everything changes. Changes really have occurred, despite the wishes of those who governed Indonesia at the time. The fear and horror that once seemed to have penetrated even into the subconscious of the older generation (also called “the generation of victims”) and which, to a certain extent, still infect the younger generation, are beginning to fade little by little. We can say that, from the 2000s onwards, young people, even if they have sometimes been contaminated by fear, have increasingly wondered what they should we be afraid of and why. Who were the real “bad guys”? The PKI or those who killed, imprisoned, tortured the PKI and even non-PKI members, the innocent man in the street? And what about their own parents—often a very painful issue—what role exactly did they play in this carnage? Were they the victims or the executioners? These young people no longer see communism as a terrible thing, like a ghost. They want to understand what really happened, they want to understand their history, the history of their country and the history of their own family. Who was Bung Karno and why did he need to be overthrown, and by whom? By the communists, or rather by the imperialists? What was his relationship with the Non-Aligned Movement and in particular with communist countries such as the Soviet Union, China, as well as other third world countries? What were his relations with the PKI? Why, despite great pressure from the military and Suharto himself, did Sukarno not want to ban the PKI? Finally, who exactly were the PKI members?
Here, we see in a dialectical way, that this blindness imposed on the population, and in particular on the younger generation in order to manipulate it more easily, by the Suharto regime and successive governments (except the government of Abdurahman Wahid, who precisely wanted to restore the truth), encouraged this generation of millennials to reflect and seek the truth. That is to say, this blindness has eventually been dialectically transformed into its opposite, the search for truth. The great advantage of this new generation is that their brains are relatively “clean”, not cluttered by the fear, the horrors that their elders directly suffered.
First they are beginning to get interested in the stories of their elders. They question them in interviews, they do podcasts, they write on their sites. They seek and complete the information collected with documents and photos of their elders. Young people are reading books written by “Pram”, Pramoedya Ananta Tour, who was a great Indonesian writer detained in the Buru Island concentration camp for 13 years. Pram was a leader of LEKRA (Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat, an art workers’ organization close to the PKI). Young people are looking for books written by other LEKRA writers, they reread articles and books written by Sukarno and by PKI leaders before the genocide. Then, to better understand the Tragedy of 1965-66, they look to the books by foreign researchers who are more free to do their research, to write their opinions, such as works by Benedict Anderson, Daniel Lev, Geoffrey Robinson, Jess Melvin and many others. They are looking up books written by survivors of hell, that is to say former prisoners, those called “ex-tapol”, (tapol = tahanan politik, political prisoner), concerning their detention and forced labor in New Order concentration camps. This is also why, although it is forbidden to ban books without any legal procedure—the law established after the Reformasi (popular movement which ousted Suharto and put Habibi in his place)—the government sends police officers to carry out raids from time to time, confiscating left-wing books which influence young people so much. The poor police officers surely do not know that we cannot prohibit human beings from thinking by prohibiting an idea. What’s more, they are not really familiar with left-wing literature.
In 2019, 20 years after the Reformasi of 1998, two students were victims of a first raid: Muntasir Billah (24 years old) and Saiful Anwar (25), members of a community called Vespa Literasi. They were arrested by the Kraksaan Police, Probolinggo, East Java, on a Saturday evening (7/27/2019) for running a free reading stall at Kraksaan Square. Among the confiscated books were “Two Faces of Dipa Nusantara”, “Walking the People’s Path”, Sukarno, “Marxism & Leninism” and D.N. Aidit: “Short Biography”. A week later, on Saturday (8/3/2019), another raid took place in Makassar, South Sulawesi, by a group of people calling themselves the Indonesian Muslim Brigade (BMI). They immediately grabbed books from Gramedia Trans Mall Makassar. They were, as one of the looters said in a circulating video, “looking for books with radical views”. But in fact, one of the books confiscated was a work by Frans Magnis-Suseno called “The Thoughts of Karl Marx: From Utopian Socialism to Revisionist Conflicts”, which in reality did not propagate communism at all. On the contrary, the content of the book is a refutation of the main ideas of Karl Marx, the founder of the ideology of communism.
The situation has changed—it is so different from the August 1989, when three young men Bonar Tigor Naipospos got 8.5 years, Bambang Isti Nugroho got 8, and Bambang Subono 7 for selling Pram’s “Bumi Manusia” (“Earth of Mankind”) work.
We still remember how Pram’s books were banned without any legal process. This was later revoked, but re-emerged with the banning of the book “Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30 Movement and the Soeharto Coup” by John Roosa. In 2009, the Attorney General’s Office banned the book simply because it was considered disruptive to national stability. Another book that was also banned around this time was “LEKRA Doesn’t Burn Books”, written by Rhoma Dwi Aria Yuliantri and Muhidin M. Dahlan. Hilmar Farid took legal action against the ban on the book until it was lifted.
Let us go back to this millennial generation… Time goes by… We are in the era of digitalization: the search of young millennials has led to the birth of websites such as “1965 every day”, “Heritage of memory”, “FIS 65”, “Remember 65”. According to Andreas Iswinarto, regarding Tragedi 65, there are currently at least 70 films which can be found on YouTube, including fiction films, documentaries, interviews.
What is happening in Indonesia is not strange at all. This is also happening in other countries, including France itself! Yesterday I met a left-wing bookseller who told me that even though the economic situation is difficult, which generally deters people from buying books, over the last two years his books have sold well. Not so long ago, a young person asked: “In your opinion, Monsieur, is Marxism still relevant for France today?” This led to a long discussion on the current situation in France, on Marxism…. And in Russia, for example, the former Soviet Union, in various cities where statues of Stalin were previously pulled down or destroyed, new statues of Stalin have recently been restored or built anew. Capitalism, which once was believed would bring freedom and prosperity, has only brought war and disaster everywhere. We cannot find a single country where the arrival of American troops has allowed the country to progress and the population to prosper.
To be able to walk, a baby must go through a period when it falls over, gets up and walks again… This lasts for a while. This, I think, is what happens with socialism, which has to travel winding roads, making turns, turning back and moving forward again. Who could have thought at the time, when the former Soviet Union seemed so powerful, had managed to defeat fascism in 1945, that the socialist bloc with its Warsaw Pact would be betrayed by Gorbachev and destroyed in 1990? We can also mention the struggle of the Chinese people under the leadership of Mao Zedong, who was able to liberate the entire country and begin to build socialism – which perhaps became, as he announced, a “socialist country with Chinese specificities”—specificities that closely resemble capitalism, even imperialism. It turns out that even there, socialism is not a straight path. Sometimes it is “forced to take a detour through capitalism”, or take “a break” from building socialism, and who knows for how long? Because now the Chinese people are also beginning to reorient their gaze towards the Mao period, when housing and basic necessities were cheap, education and health were free, there was no unemployment, and so on.
The same goes for the fate of the PKI, which was the third world Communist Party after the CPSU and the CCP, and number one outside the socialist camp, whose alliance with Sukarno made Indonesia a pioneer in the struggle of third world countries, or the non-aligned movement. The struggle of the Indonesian people themselves is dialectical, because in the past the struggle against Dutch colonialism led to the birth of the Railway Workers’ Union (VSTP), the Islamic Association which later split into SI and SI Merah (SI Red), which then gave birth to the PKI. I am sure that the struggle of the Indonesian people itself will create the need and give birth to a militant party capable of fulfilling its historic task of leading the struggle of the Indonesian people and leading them to victory.
We have seen since the betrayal of Suharto’s “New Order” that not only has nature been plundered and the environment destroyed, but it is above all man who has paid the price: the values of nationalism, the struggle to build a just and prosperous society, essential values, such as honesty and loyalty have been disrupted, so that the mentality of the Indonesian people has undergone major changes. What made the situation even worse was, ase left thinking was banned, even Javanese culture was targeted by the Suharto regime. In 1987 Suharto wrote a book “Butir-butir Budaya Jawa” (“Grains of Javanese Culture”) which brings feudal thought to the surface. “Prof. Dr. Ben Arps, since 1996 professor of Javanese Literature and Language at Leiden University, wrote in his dissertation that this kind of effort was not strange for a Javanese king. What this means is literary works such as Serat Wedhatama by K.G.P.A.A. Mangkunagara IV and Serat Wulangreh written by Sunan Pakubuwana IV which is also written in Javanese Items as a source.” (https://jv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Butir-Butir_Budaya_Jawa). The phenomenon of appointing oneself as king of Java is not new. What Suharto did not have time to do is now being carried out by Jokowi.
The government has done everything so that the new generation no longer know their history and its roots, and can no longer differentiate between good and evil. The youth fail to see that the root of this nation’s misery and suffering is caused by ‘nekolim’, neocolonialism and imperialism. Those who commit crimes can go unpunished, even after their crimes have been discovered. We have known since the time of the New Order that you can bribe to win your case, and each trial has its price, “wani piro” (how much can you pay?) Impunity and corruption are twins that go hand in hand: with corruption, crime can be perpetuated, the more serious the crime, the greater the corruption. On the other hand, the greater the corruption, the greater the impunity.
One my exiled friend invited his wife to live with him in Paris. One day he was accompanying his wife to take a French resident’s card to the prefecture, when she showed him her closed hand, asking “Is this enough?” Her husband asked her : “What?” He had lived in France for years but did not understand when he opened his wife’s hand which was holding 100 francs. “Because you know, I think they have worked and are now tired.” “Ah, you’re crazy, what are you saying, that’s their job.” It is so natural to have to pay “tribute” to bureaucrats. The people themselves know why.
From here we can see that to govern a country, imperialism no longer always needs its physical presence (sending troops, or bombing the country, establishing a government composed directly of its own people). This is what happened in Indonesia: Indonesians like Suharto himself used their power to sell out the country, allowing the complete plunder of natural wealth and exploitation of the people. And this continues to this day, in a slightly different form it seems from the outside, now everything is “according to the law”. But in reality the people in power can do anything they want through rigged presidential elections, presidential decrees, even through the adoption of laws by Parliament, by amending laws thanks to the Constitutional Court etc. Does this remind you of anything in France? The retirement law and Macron’s 49.3…
I think this is very interesting, and shows the interconnectedness that exists in the world. The symptoms of the decay of the upper elite in Indonesia which are now reaching a new level, namely “dynasty” politics with the violation of the law, are essentially the same as what is happening in France, where fascisation is the order of the day out and the law is being ignored. Lenin said that imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism—we are witnessing the agony of imperialism now.
The “Reformasi” movement that succeeded in ousting Suharto from the presidency in 1998 failed to cure this disease of impunity and corruption. On the contrary, it has penetrated people’s hearts, their subconscious with it—thus making it even more complete and serious. With the fall of Suharto, many little Suhartos were born, especially after regional autonomy made regional leaders feel like little local kings. As a result, or vice versa, the ranks of Reformasi, particularly among its cadre and activists, are also affected by the serieuse disease of impunity and corruption. “It’s normal”, “it’s a small sin” that everyone commits, “there are worse ones and they are never punished”. Now we are witnessing another illness : dynastisation, the revival of feudalism as part of in the agony of imperialism.
The most glaring example is the change that President Joko Widodo himself is currently presenting, especially before the 2024 presidential election. Gibran, the eldest son of Jokowi, was ready to become head of Ganjarpranowo’s success team. Ganjarpranowo is PDIP’s presidential candidate. PDIP is Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan—Parti Democratique Indonésie en Lutte. The latest news is that, Jokowi, asked Ganjar to let his son, Gibran, be released because he wants to run for vice presidential candidate on a ticket with Prabowo Subiyanto who is candidate from another big party, Golkar. In fact, Gibran so become the vice-presidential candidate of Golkar. Which means that he will be forced to crush, or at least remove, his president, Erlangga Hartarto, who was one of the vice-presidential candidates of Prabowo. What an insult to a major Indonesian party from someone who was never even a member! It was not enough to expel Teguh and Sugeng to make Gibran mayor of the city of Solo, where his father, Joko Widodo, was mayor. Now, not only Erlangga Hartarto, but all the vice-presidential candidates who supported Prabowo in Koalisi Indonesia Maju (Coalition of Indonesia in Progres) are dismissed. They are: Erlangga Hartarto (Golkar), Erik Tohir (PAN), Yusril Mahendra (PBB). Even the Constitutional Court has been used by Jokowi to legalize Gibran’s membership. President of the Constitutional Court Judges Anwar Usman, husband of the President’s sister, was forced to lower the age limit to run in the presidential elections as a candidate for the vice-presidency. Thus, you no longer have to be “over 40 years old” to run, you can now do so before turning 40, provided you have been elected by the population (Gibran was “elected” mayor of Solo by the population).
What an extraordinary change, what a contrast there is between the current Jokowi and the one who, when he was mayor of Solo in 2004, managed to move 130 traders to Notohardjo market using an approach known in Javanese as “nguwonke wong” (“wong” = the human being), that is to say a humane approach, without violence. It was also said to involve “table diplomacy” because Jokowi invited representatives of 11 small trader organizations to lunch together 54 times, so as not to coerce or expel them, giving priority to dialogue and the sharing of meals so that traders could begin to have the courage to express their complaints directly. He applied his method until 2005 and thus succeeded in relocating 980 traders, who were, the people say, then able to get rich.
Over time, in the name of Indonesian economic development, Jokowi followed China’s experience. He achieved extraordinary results starting with the construction of infrastructure (roads, ports, airports, etc.), building hydroelectric plants to increase the country’s electricity production, giving the go-ahead to the extraction of gold, nickel, cobalt, etc.—precious metals—then to the building of a smelter. Of course, with the construction of a smelter, the price of nickel, for example, could increase and thus increase the foreign exchange intake… So, if we look at the development of Indonesia in terms of how much money has been or can be invested or brought in by foreigners or anyone else, and how many projects can be built, we can easily say that within the next 10 years, Indonesia could become a developed country… However, Indonesia’s foreign debt has now reached 1,350 billion dollars. And who will pay it? The question is how much Indonesia’s debt will be in the future and what number Indonesia will be in the world in the terms of foreign debt, also in the terms of deforestation, destruction of nature. Indonesia will become a developed country, number 4 in the world, they say. Being a “rich country” does not represent the whole reality. Certainly, Indonesia is a very rich country in terms of natural resources. But the real problem is: how is this wealth and county managed, by whom and what consequences will this management lead to? But what can we expect from a ruler who enjoys impunity, commits corruption, steals and has a treacherous spirit?
The situation in Indonesia is developing very quickly. Jokowi has stated openly that he will not be neutral, but will “cawe-cawe”, intervene. This means he will be able to use his power (parliament, intelligence, pro-Jokowi volunteers, state budget, etc.) to influence the course of the election. This outspoken attitude made many people openly criticize and discuss the president’s steps. This election is very dangerous. Dialectically, changes that have been quantitative in nature within 58 years, can suddenly bring about qualitative change for Indonesian society. The contradiction that had been hidden all this time has suddenly became open for all to see. As a result, it is possible that democracy will really “die”, blood will flow or if the president is willing to listen to criticism and take wise steps, then the election can run smoothly. Democracy will develop further and become stronger.
A few words about another danger that awaits us, a major danger that will face not only the Indonesian people, but also all living creatures on the planet: Earth is dying out. According to scientists, notably Dr. Egon Cholokian, who appealed last August to the three heads of state that are Joe Biden, Xi Jinping and Putin. The danger comes from a cosmic attack which could cause a sudden increase in the Earth’s inner energy. Such an attack occurs every 12,000 and every 24,000 years causing catastrophic damage. In addition to the fact that the energy center of the Earth has suddenly shifted north, the Earth’s axis has also undergone changes. Over billions of years, such events were resolved because the ocean could play its role in naturally cooling the Earth’s temperature, so that the Earth could continue to exist. But now it has become fatal, the sea is “dying” because of plastic particles. So temperatures will continue to rise, the danger will especially come from Siberia, where temperatures are rising rapidly compared with other places. This, among other things, I think, is the reason why temperatures have become so hot in Indonesia recently, when it should be the rainy season. Scientists predict that if humans do not change their way of life, the earth will not last long—about 10 years—and may disappear altogether.
Allow me to end my presentation with a poem by a popular poet whom the Suharto regime disappeared around March 1992 with 22 of his friends, namely Wiji Thukul:
If proposals are rejected without being considered
Critical voices silenced and banned without reason
Accused of being subversive and threatening security
So there is only one word: fight!
At a time when the existence of the Earth is threatened, imperialism is agonizing. The anti-imperialist struggle and saving the Earth is a very heavy and difficult task for all of us. Fight!
I hope it’s not too late.