Paolo Babini | Party of Committees to Support Resistance―for Communism (Italy)
1. The collective character of bourgeois society and the role of the popular masses in the political arena
World War III (WW3) is ongoing and it is in competition and alternative to the development of the proletarian revolution (socialist or new democracy): WW3 and proletarian revolution are the two paths competing throughout humanity, given the unification of the world that has taken place in the imperialist epoch and particularly with globalization. As we stated in On the ongoing Third World War (Platform 15), “the current war reflects, even in its forms, the social character that economic activity has now in all countries thanks to the development of capitalism and the role that the popular masses have consequently assumed in the political sphere.”
Neither the bourgeoisie nor the Conscious and Organized Communist Movement (COCM) are able to run a country without involving the popular masses. Gone are the wars waged by kings and princes, each with their own warriors who if anything plundered the civilian population for sustenance.
Under the leadership of the imperialist bourgeoisie, the role of the popular masses in the political arena was expressed in World War I by mobilizing the bulk of the population in the trenches and to produce weapons, in World War II by bombing the civilian population to the point of razing entire cities to the ground. In WW3 the role of the popular masses in the political arena is expressing with the necessity for the imperialist bourgeoisie to carry out multiple activities to politically destabilize enemy countries.
Under the leadership of the communist movement, the role of the popular masses in the political arena was expressed in the advancement and globalization of the proletarian revolution and, after its victory, in the construction of socialism.
Bourgeois society now has such a collective character that, no matter how criminal bourgeois are in their conduct toward workers in class struggle, it would take a too broad agreement in the ruling class to adopt universal destructive measures (murderous and suicidal) such as the use of nuclear weapons. Nuclear weapons are now available to several countries besides the US, e. g. Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China. Probably even among Zionists there is no such murderous and suicidal agreement when it comes to revive the old Bible saying “die Samson with all the Philistines”. War today is primarily about making it impossible for an enemy country to function or bringing the ruling class of the enemy country to refuse the destruction that the continuation of the war would entail.
What it is up to us communists is not to analyze and make assumptions about who, among the imperialist bourgeoisie’s exponents and politicians, is more criminal, whether it is Trump, Kamala Harris or another candidate of the Democratic Party in the US presidential election. It is up to us communists to advance the socialist revolution in imperialist countries, including the US, to the point of putting an end to capitalist society and, given the nature of the imperialist epoch, the related destruction that it creates for humanity and the Earth.
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In order to have an adequate understanding to successfully promote the proletarian revolution, and thus the struggle between the two paths in our country, we must 1. be neither under the influence of geopoliticians (those who consider the core of the course of things contrasts between countries and between States instead of struggle between classes) nor under the influence of Prince’s advisers (people in the business of enumerating measures that would make things go better if only the bourgeoisie took them, if only the bourgeoisie did not take measures conform to its nature) and 2. have assimilated the logical reconstruction of the historical course of human society, at least from the beginning of the imperialist epoch.
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2. The centers promoting World War III and proletarian revolution
The promotion of WW3 is headed by the US imperialist groups and the unstable political system of their military-industrial-financial complex. The many wars in which WW3 is articulated eventually all depend on US imperialist groups. In fact, albeit to very different degrees, all other imperialist groups and their respective States, active in the various parts of WW3, depend on US imperialist groups. These imperialist groups, however, are hopelessly competing with each other for the valorization of their single capitals.
As for the proletarian revolution, the situation is very different from country to country.
– In imperialist countries, the present state of the COCM is the result of the failure to establish socialism and the consequent losing momentum of the first wave of the proletarian revolution. Its rebirth is still at an elementary stage. Beside Italy, in France, Germany, Spain, the US, Britain and in other countries there are various communist parties and various communist organizations: there are communists who want to rebuild the communist party. The fragmentation of communists has occurred not only in Italy.
– In former socialist countries where the States, through political turns, interrupted the construction of socialism (both those gradually integrated into NATO since the 1990s and the others) there are communists who aim to restore socialism. In some countries these organizations are forcibly clandestine, in others they play an important role and have political influence. Exemplary is the case of the Russian Federation.
– Among socialist countries that are the fruit of the first wave of the proletarian revolution and have persisted in claiming themselves socialist (China, North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Cuba), the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has by far a leading role among the forces opposing the US imperialists. However, the PRC does not play the role of the world red base of the proletarian revolution like USSR avowedly did worldwide and with all its might from 1917 until 1956 (20th Congress of the CPSU) and until 1991 with mixed intentions and effects as to the advancement of the proletarian revolution.
3. Socialist revolution in imperialist countries
The socialist revolution in imperialist countries is the decisive issue to end the imperialist epoch, the achievement that will put the whole world on the march toward communism and, at the same time, it is a much more difficult undertaking than the revolution in oppressed countries. This is not our “invention”: it is the conclusion that Lenin had already clearly drawn in his time. In fact, in the conclusion of Chapter VII of “Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder, Lenin says that in Russia, the weak link of the imperialist chain, beginning the socialist revolution had been easier than it was in other European countries but that it would be more difficult to continue and carry it through. On the opposite, in imperialist countries, socialist revolution was more difficult to begin but easier to continue. And then in the Theses For A Report On The Tactics Of The R.C.P. written for the Third Congress of the Communist International (CI) in July 1921, he says (this is our paraphrase of his speech) that “we took power in Russia not because we were convinced that we could put ourselves at the head of the world socialist revolution, but because we were in the position to take it and we were sure that taking power in Russia would help communists in more advanced countries to do the same so that they would put themselves at the head of the world socialist revolution. So we took it and held it at any cost, in order to advance the world socialist revolution” (Complete Works vol. 32). He repeated the same concept in January 1923 (see Our Revolution vol. 33). Stalin continued the work begun by Lenin, but in none of the other imperialist countries beyond the Russian Empire did the communist parties formed in the CI establish socialism. This led the first wave of the proletarian revolution to lose momentum although we inherit a great wealth of experience from it and although it did largely change humanity.
We have to learn from past experience, from our own experience and the experience of other countries, especially imperialist countries. To make socialist revolution in an imperialist country like Italy, we have to dare and experiment.
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Of the three pillars on which socialism is based (dictatorship of the proletariat, public and planned management of economic activity, increasing participation of the population in specifically human activities), we must consider that:
– the first pillar is preliminary to the construction of socialism, since it is the victory of the socialist revolution. It creates the conditions for the other two pillars to develop with the essential contribution of the popular masses;
– the second pillar is indispensable, as it enables the popular masses to reorganize economic activities to improve the material and spiritual conditions of their living. This second pillar is conditioned both by the internal situation of the country and by the system of international relations, particularly the multifaceted aggressions put in place by remaining imperialist powers and groups;
– the third pillar is principal because when it reaches a certain point of development, it entails the end of the division of humanity into social classes and the extinction of the State. It is the concluding pillar whereby the popular masses will be able to govern themselves in so giving rise to a community of freely associated individuals that will function on the communist principle of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.”
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The socialist revolution in imperialist countries is the decisive issue in the future history of humanity: indeed, it will bring an end to the imperialist epoch. It is a more difficult undertaking than the revolution in the oppressed countries because in oppressed countries part of the social transformation to be accomplished by communist parties and the popular masses is already indicated by the path taken by the popular masses in the imperialist countries. On this issue, in the COCM of our country and internationally, there are basically two struggling lines.
On the one hand, some claim that socialist revolution in imperialist countries is more difficult because, thanks to the surplus profits coming from the exploitation of oppressed countries, the imperialist bourgeoisie corrupts the working class and the popular masses in various ways and thereby reduces their ability to struggle. To substantiate their thesis, some proponents “rape” what Lenin said about labour aristocracy. Lenin analysis explained the objective and class bases of social-chauvinism that prevailed among the parties of the Second International during World War I. Those who claim that the working class and the popular masses in imperialist countries are corrupted use Lenin analysis to justify their unwillingness to build socialist revolution.
They draw the conclusion that in imperialist countries socialist revolution is impossible or anyway they act as if it were impossible and/or trust in multipolarity (i.e., that the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation by putting up a common front between them and with other “rogue states” will induce US imperialists and accomplices to desist from their aggressions) or they hope that victorious revolution in oppressed countries along with a drastic worsening of living conditions will “wake up” the popular masses in imperialist countries who will finally turn against the bourgeoisie.
On the other hand of the two struggling lines, there are those like us who argue that socialist revolution in imperialist countries is more difficult because in imperialist countries the priority task is to seize power and promote the increasing participation of the popular masses in the management of their associated life to the point where they no longer need the State. This is a different task than what has to be accomplished in backward countries, where the priority task of the socialist revolution is the creation of modern productive forces. Making the socialist revolution in imperialist countries depends mainly on the level of understanding of the conditions, form and results of class struggle achieved by the Communist Party: in the last century in imperialist countries the COCM, with the exception of Italy during the brief period of Antonio Gramsci’s leadership (1923-1926), limited itself to play the role of 1. supporting trade union’s claims and political claims of the popular masses and 2. having spokespersons of the popular masses in elective institutions that disguised as bourgeois democracy a regime of preventive counterrevolution. Thus, the COCM in imperialist countries was incapable of leading the working class to seize power and establish socialism. Today, we have to overcome not only the limitations that the left-wing of those communist parties was not able to overcome, but also the damage, mistrust and despondency produced by the decline of the COCM. About this we refer to the Supplement published in December 2022 to La Voce n.72, the magazine of the (new) Italian Communist Party.
Only the development of proletarian revolution will end World War III. Either by promoting the proletarian revolution we end the war or by taking advantage of the development of the war we accelerate the proletarian revolution.
