Aleksandar Đenic | New Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Serbia)
This article was published in Cuba at the request of the Cuban comrades and will be posted on ‘the Platform’ in several parts.
Introduction
This essay aims to analyze the objective historical circumstances that led to the development of the revolutionary movement in Yugoslavia during the 20th century, as well as the counterrevolutionary processes and their consequences in the former Yugoslavia at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century. It is important for all progressive and revolutionary movements to study the history of both revolutions and counterrevolutions, in order to reflect positive and negative experiences. Although understanding the historical context and current material conditions is crucial—since revolution is not a static, but a dynamic process that does not follow universal patterns—certain experiences are significant in building a more just and better world in the future. The topic “Reflections on Revolutionary and Counterrevolutionary Processes in the 20th and 21st Century—Case Studies of Yugoslavia” could be addressed in volumes of books, but in the following pages, the most important phenomena (and their contradictions) and examples considered key for understanding the processes of revolution and counterrevolution in Yugoslavia will be highlighted.
Formation of the Serbian State and Political Contradictions during the 19th and 20th Centuries
During the 19th century, a period of national revolutions, the process of creating the Serbian state began. The medieval Serbian state, which had disappeared during the 15th century, was under the occupation of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires. The first Serbian uprising, which broke out in 1804 against the Ottoman Empire, became a key moment in the struggle for the restoration of Serbian statehood. This uprising had a dual character: on the one hand, it was class-based, and on the other, it was national-liberation oriented.
In the 19th century, Serbia was in constant struggle against Ottoman rule and sought to establish functional state institutions. The Principality of Serbia adopted its first constitution in 1835, while at the Berlin Congress in 1878, with international recognition, Serbia became an independent state (it became kingdom in 1882).
Social Changes and the Emergence of Capitalist Relations
During this period, Serbia was an agrarian and underdeveloped country, where many families lived in extended family households (primitive collective forms of property owned by families that enabled members to survive), and patriarchal forms of society and customary law dominated. By the late 1870s, the first capitalist relations began to develop, with the emergence of manufacturing, trade, and small entrepreneurship, leading to the collapse of traditional family households. At the same time, the first socialist associations began to emerge in Serbia, and one of the pioneers of this movement was Svetozar Markovi큓. He corresponded with Karl Marx and advocated the idea that Serbia could bypass capitalism and directly transition to a socialist form of social organization based on rural cooperatives.
Political and Social Contradictions
The formation of the Serbian state was marked by numerous contradictions. On one hand, great imperialist powers such as Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Germany exerted pressure on Serbia, while Russia and Great Britain had their own political interests in the region. Additional complications arose from the tensions between the newly formed Balkan states: Serbia, Montenegro, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, and later Albania.
The Serbian bourgeoisie, which was emerging during this period, faced the problem of primitive accumulation of capital, as, unlike the large empires, Serbia did not have colonies. Additionally, political instability caused by the conflict between the Karađorđevi큓 and Obrenovi큓 dynasties, as well as the desire of military circles to control the state, led to numerous internal conflicts.
Absolutism and Political Instability
The end of the 19th century was marked by the absolutist rule of King Alexander Obrenovi큓, who suspended the constitution and brutally suppressed workers’ uprisings. During the reign of his father, King Milan, Serbia was under the influence of Austria-Hungary. However, in 1903, after the assassination of King Alexander, the Karađorđevi큓 dynasty took power.
Crises in the Balkans and the Collapse of the Balkan League
The early 20th century was marked by a series of international crises. Austria-Hungary imposed sanctions on Serbian trade in 1906, and between 1908 and 1909, a conflict broke out over Austria-Hungary’s annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This conflict, known as the Annexation Crisis, involved many European powers and was resolved by the Berlin Agreement of 1909.
The Balkan League, formed in 1912, consisted of Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, and Greece. The goal of the alliance was to liberate the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire, which was achieved during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913). However, due to disputes over Macedonia, in 1913, a war broke out between Serbia, Greece, and the involvement of Montenegro, Romania, and Turkey against Bulgaria, leading to the collapse of the alliance.
Dimitrije Tucovi큓 and the Workers’ Movement
During this period, Dimitrije Tucovi큓 emerged as a leading figure in the workers’ movement in Serbia. The Serbian Social Democratic Party became a member of the Second International, and Tucovi큓 collaborated with prominent leaders of the international workers’ movement, such as Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg, and others. As a prolific theorist, consistent internationalist, and fighter for socialist ideals, Tucovi큓 made significant contributions to organizing the workers’ movement in Serbia and the Balkans. He advocated for the creation of a Balkan Federation, believing that this would be the most effective form of political and economic organization for the region.
Tucovi큓 participated as a soldier in the Balkan Wars, and later in World War I, where he was killed in 1914. He believed that the Balkan region would benefit most from being organized as a federation of independent and autonomous states, based on the principles of equality, solidarity, and a common struggle against imperialism and nationalism. He was a harsh critic of the nationalist policies that dominated the Balkans, believing that the Balkan peoples should unite through a shared struggle for socialist revolution, which would bring political and economic stability to the region.
Tucovi큓 advocated for a united fight against external domination and the national divisions that burdened the Balkans. He and the Serbian Social Democratic Party adopted the 19th-century slogan: “The Balkans belong to the peoples of Balkans,” which still reflects the views of all progressive forces in the Balkan today.
Dimitrije Tucovi큓 and the Serbian Social Democratic Party remained consistent with their internationalist principles, even with the outbreak of World War I. At the invitation of Lenin and the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party, they were the only ones, together with the Bulgarian Social Democratic Party, to vote against war credits in the National Assembly before the war in 1914. All three parties considered the war imperialistic and believed that social democrats should oppose such wars, in which the working class and peasants become “cannon fodder” for the imperialists. Tucovi큓 emphasized that “The rich sent oxen to war, while the poor sent their sons; the capitalist separated a heifer, while the poor mother sent her only son.”
World War I and the Establishment of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia
After the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, Austria-Hungary attacked Serbia, which served as the trigger for the outbreak of World War I in 1914. During the early years of the war, Serbia conducted a defensive war (as Lenin emphasized), and after a heroic struggle, the Serbian army was forced to retreat to Greece in 1915. Although it suffered enormous human losses (losing a third of its population), Serbia emerged victorious from the war, presenting itself as the Piedmont of Yugoslavia.
At the end of 1918, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was formed, later renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The new state included Southern Slavs who were under Austria-Hungary, as well as independent states such as Serbia and Montenegro. Many Southern Slavs mobilized on the side of Austria-Hungary during the war on the Eastern Front, and took the opportunity to join the Bolsheviks, including Josip Broz Tito.
The Situation in Yugoslavia Before World War II
A large number of White immigrants (opponents of the Russian Revolution) from Russia arrived in Yugoslavia, which only recognized the Soviet Union in 1940. During this period, Yugoslavia was affected by major social problems. In the 1920s, child labor was widespread, and children worked up to 12 hours a day. The average life expectancy was just 45 years, and over 80% of the population lived in extreme poverty. In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, illiteracy was high: in Serbia, over 50% of people were illiterate in the 1930s, in Montenegro over 70%, in Macedonia over 80%, in Croatia over 40%, in Slovenia over 20%, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina over 60%.
The health situation was also poor, as the country was affected by malaria and tuberculosis. In Belgrade, between 10-15% of the population was infected with tuberculosis, and the mortality rate was high. Additionally, the number of stillbirths in Yugoslavia ranged from 100 to 150 per 1,000 live births.
Agriculture and Economy Before World War II
Before the outbreak of World War II, Yugoslavia was predominantly an agrarian country. Three-quarters of the working population was engaged in agriculture, while only 10% worked in industry and crafts. The population was mostly rural, and the majority owned small farms. More than 67% of farmers owned less than 5 hectares of land, which hindered productivity. Properties larger than 10 hectares, which accounted for only 12.1%, were able to produce surpluses for the market. One-third of the rural population used wooden plows, which date back to the Neolithic era, as the primary tool for land cultivation. At the pace of changes in agriculture in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the wooden plow would be eradicated in the former Yugoslavia by 2021, thanks to socialist industry during the 1950s.
Yugoslavia’s industry was under the control of foreign capital, and the country served as a source of raw materials for developed capitalist nations. Foreign companies made large profits due to cheap labor. The oil fields in Yugoslavia were owned by Shell and Standard Oil, which did not exploit them but kept them empty to prevent the development of domestic industry. Bauxite, which Yugoslavia intensively produced, was entirely controlled by foreign companies, and all exports went to Germany. The prices of consumer goods in Yugoslavia were significantly higher than in developed capitalist countries.
Revolutionary Movements and the Communist Movement
The victory of the Great October Revolution in 1917 had a significant impact on the spread of revolutionary ideas in Yugoslavia. In 1918, the Yugoslav Communist Group was formed within the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the same year, the Communist Party of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was established in Russia. Influenced by returnees from the October Revolution and the Hungarian Revolution of 1919, the revolutionary awakening in Yugoslavia grew rapidly.
The 1919 Congress for the Unification of Social Democratic Parties in Belgrade led to the formation of the Socialist Workers’ Party of Yugoslavia (Communists), which adopted the program of the dictatorship of the proletariat and joining the Communist International. At the same time, the League of Communist Youth of Yugoslavia (SKOJ) was formed. At the Second Congress in 1920, the party’s first program was adopted, setting the ideological and political foundations and goals of the revolutionary struggle, and the name was changed to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ).
Rise and Ban of the KPJ
In the municipal elections of March and August 1920, the KPJ achieved significant successes, winning many cities, including Belgrade, Zagreb, Osijek, Skopje, and Niš. In the elections for the Constituent Assembly in November of the same year, the KPJ won 59 seats, becoming the third-largest party by number of representatives. The greatest success was recorded in Montenegro, where the party won 38% of the votes, while in Serbia it won 15%. In Bosnia, Croatia, and Slovenia, its results were less than 10%. By the summer of 1920, the KPJ had over 65,000 members, while the United Unions under its control had 210,000 members.
The party took power in Belgrade, but the king prohibited the formation of the city government. King Alexander, considering the KPJ a serious threat, accused the party of preparing a coup d’état, using conflicts in miner strikes in Bosnia and Slovenia as a pretext to issue the “Obznana” (Announcement), which banned all communist and union activities. After the adoption of the new constitution on August 2, 1921, the Assembly passed the “Law on the Protection of the State,” declaring communist activity a criminal offense, thus effectively banning the KPJ and the unions.
In the summer of 1921, the arrest of KPJ members seriously weakened the party. At that time, the KPJ had three leaderships: one was in prison, another in hiding, and the third in Vienna. Friction emerged between the left and right factions, particularly regarding the national question and the state organization. At the Fourth Congress of the Comintern in 1922, the KPJ’s policy of neglecting class struggle in favor of elections was criticized. Belgrade was the center of the right faction, while Zagreb was the center of the left.
In 1923, the KPJ founded the Independent Workers’ Party of Yugoslavia (NRPJ), aiming for legal activity. The NRPJ laid down its basic positions regarding the national question and, at the Third National Conference, criticized Serbian hegemony in the Kingdom of SHS. In January 1924, the KPJ adopted a left-wing stance, despite divisions within its leadership. In July 1924, the NRPJ supported the right to self-determination of the nations of Yugoslavia, alongside a fight against Serbian chauvinism. The KPJ believed that the proper response was the creation of a Balkan Federation. Due to increased activity, the NRPJ was soon banned.
Thanks to Moscow, a brief reconciliation within the party occurred in 1926. However, conflicts continued. After a new conflict over the national question in 1927, the Comintern attempted to form a parallel center for the KPJ in Moscow.
Georgi Dimitrov, an official of the Comintern, regarding the factional struggle within the KPJ, noted that “the leadership apparatus of the party was practically divided into two parts, based on two points – cities X and Z (Belgrade and Zagreb), which were in mutual conflict.” Another prominent Comintern official, Heinrich Hemele, commented: “At the top of the factional struggles are intellectuals who passionately and fanatically fight each other, disregarding the interests of the party and the working class, considering the communist movement solely as a means to achieve their personal positions. It is precisely these intellectual convictions about the essence of the ‘party leader’ that are the cause of the factional struggles.” Palmiro Togliatti, the head of the Italian Communists and a Comintern delegate, speaking at the Fourth Congress of the KPJ in Dresden against the views of the right-wing faction, stated: “Factionalism has much deeper roots, much deeper causes. Like opportunism, it implies the influence of the ruling class within our ranks.”
Fractional Struggles and Tito’s Resolution
The Eighth Party Conference in Zagreb, 1928, was crucial for overcoming factionalism within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ). Tito’s resolution was adopted, condemning both factions and calling for the restoration of discipline, which received widespread support, and the Comintern confirmed its significance. During the same period, instructors were sent to Yugoslavia to assist in implementing the new directives. The Fourth Congress of the KPJ, held in November 1928 in Dresden, condemned the factions and emphasized the possibility of revolutionary changes in Yugoslavia, advocating for its dissolution and considering Yugoslavia as a prison of nations, with the possibility of its voluntary unification. The Comintern regarded Yugoslavia as an artificial creation of imperialists, and at that time, it was one of the largest anti-Soviet countries in Europe with a hostile policy towards the first socialist state. The number of Party members decreased from 60,000 to fewer than 1,000 active members.
Dictatorship and Armed Resistance in Yugoslavia (1929-1940)
The political crisis following the assassination in the Parliament in 1929 allowed King Alexander to carry out a coup, abolish the 1921 Constitution, and establish a dictatorship. This move triggered repression against left-wing movements, and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) called for armed resistance.
In the first half of 1929, communists clashed with the police, attempting to incite an uprising through small armed struggles. However, these actions met with brutal retaliation, during which many KPJ leaders were killed or arrested. Due to the repression, the number of KPJ members drastically declined, and serious disagreements broke out within the Party. Criticism was directed at the leaders, leading to changes in the leadership, and the Comintern took the initiative in an attempt to rebuild the organization. Despite all the difficulties, the KPJ transformed into a small but disciplined underground organization, based on a strong code of sacrifice and mutual solidarity.
Support for National Revolutionaries and the Struggle Against Fascism
In July 1932, the Comintern instructed Yugoslav communists to support the “national revolutionaries” in Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia, and Montenegro. During this period, Hitler’s rise became the greatest threat to the communist movement, prompting the Comintern to halt its struggle against social democracy and focus on fighting fascism.
At the Fourth National Conference in 1934, the KPJ adopted a Resolution on the National Question, calling for the peaceful reorganization of Yugoslavia based on national equality. By mid-1935, the Party had about 3,000 members. However, the regime intensified its persecution, and by March 1936, as a result of a police crackdown, 950 KPJ members, including part of the leadership, were arrested. During these years, the KPJ succeeded in organizing a large number of student demonstrations for better material conditions and against fascism, thereby attracting progressive youth. It also managed to organize numerous workers’ strikes during this period through its cadres in the unions.
The KPJ adopted the policy of the popular front and condemned fascism as the greatest threat, while the Ustase (Croatian fascists), under the influence of Italy and Germany, developed an anti-communist ideology. In 1937, the KPJ condemned fascist attempts to create an independent Croatia, warning that it would lead to a new occupation under Rome and Berlin. During this period, the KPJ changed its policy towards Yugoslavia, as its unity was seen as important for the fight against Nazism, which had become the greatest threat to the USSR, communists, and progressive humanity.
Support for the Spanish Republic and the Purge in the Soviet Union
The struggle of the Spanish people became crucial not only for democracy in Spain but also for the global conflict between fascism and humanity. The KPJ actively supported the Republican Spain in its fight against fascists. Following a call from the Comintern, a significant number of KPJ members joined the fight, with Paris becoming the main center for recruitment. In Spain, 1,700 Yugoslav fighters participated, of whom 700 were killed, and most of the others fled to France after Franco’s army victory. The Spanish conflicts of 1936 and 1937 became a central issue for the KPJ, with Yugoslav anti-fascist volunteers illegally going to Spain, often facing obstruction from the Yugoslav government.
At the same time, during the Great Purge in the Soviet Union in 1937, between 600 and 700 KPJ members were killed, including many founders and almost the entire previous leadership. Former general secretaries Filip Filipovi큓, Sima Markovi큓, Đuro Cviji큓, Jovan Mališi큓, and Milan Gorki큓 were shot in Moscow. Among the victims were numerous members of the Central Committee and the Politburo.
Tito at the Helm of the KPJ
After the elimination of the previous leadership, Josip Broz Tito was appointed by the Comintern as General Secretary of the KPJ in 1937. In October 1940, the Fifth National Conference of the KPJ was held, confirming the new leadership with Tito at the helm. Under his leadership, the membership of the KPJ grew from 1,500 in 1937 to 7,000 by the end of 1940. The communists, during their illegal activities, sought ways to legalize themselves and participate in elections, while fascist groups, though marginal, were allowed to participate in elections.
Yugoslav Role in the Context of Surrendering Europe to Hitler
1) Industrial Strength of the Soviet Union
After World War I and the introduction of five-year plans in the USSR, the Soviet Union became dominant in heavy industry in Europe. By 1935, the USSR had taken second place in global industry, which posed a threat to the British and French colonial system, as the USSR supported decolonization. During this period, Soviet industrialization became a key point of conflict with imperialist powers, primarily Great Britain and France.
2) British and French Policies Towards Germany
In the mid-1930s, as the potential of the USSR grew, a policy emerged in Britain and France that allowed Nazi Germany to remilitarize. For France and Britain, which controlled vast colonial territories, the threat posed by Soviet industrialization was considered much greater than the potential danger from Nazi Germany. The Versailles system, as an imperialist order, was becoming increasingly dysfunctional, and the radical shift in policy led to indirect approval of German rearmament, which became a crucial factor in the later conflict.
3) Assassinations of Barthou and King Alexander
The assassination of French politician Louis Barthou and Yugoslav King Alexander in Marseille in 1934 laid the groundwork for dramatic changes in foreign policy directions. Louis Barthou had been a key proponent of the French-Soviet pact, so his murder paved the way for political changes in France. In Yugoslavia, following the assassination, there was a change of government, with Prince Paul and Milan Stojadinovi큓 taking power, steering the country’s policy towards Nazi Germany and Italy, while the collapse of the Little Entente seemed inevitable. In the context of manipulation, at the moment when the People’s Front took power in Spain, an aircraft from Great Britain arrived, which transferred Franco to Africa to command African units against the People’s Front government. In Yugoslavia, although Bogoljub Jevti큓 won the elections, the British (Neville Henderson) brought Stojadinovi큓 to power, and in Romania, the regime of Titulescu fell.
4) Remilitarization of Germany
The remilitarization of Germany was no secret operation. Under the 1935 agreement with Great Britain, Germany was allowed to rebuild its navy, and France and Great Britain tacitly allowed Germany to reinstate general military conscription. Germany had 100,000 soldiers and could mobilize 300,000 people under arms, whereas France could mobilize 4 million. Therefore, those who claim that Hitler deceived anyone by introducing general conscription (which cannot be hidden) or secretly rearmed are insulting intelligence. By 1935, Germany, with the consent of France and Great Britain, began to rebuild its army and navy, violating the provisions of the Versailles Treaty. Although French and British officials were aware of this, they did not act. Given the weakness of the Versailles system, it was clear that European imperialists, in their fear of the growth of the USSR, increasingly tolerated the strengthening of Nazi Germany.
5) The USSR and Joining the League of Nations
The Soviet Union joined the League of Nations with the aim of ensuring the status quo and utilizing its industrial advantage, as no neighboring country (such as Poland, the Baltic States, or Japan) could threaten the USSR. Although the Soviets sought stability and to protect their borders, the Western powers were reluctant to form alliances with them due to their imperialistic nature.
6) Assistance of Great Britain and France to Nazi Germany
France, with the consent of Great Britain, tacitly approved the remilitarization of the Rhineland, which was crucial for Hitler’s broader political strategy. During this period, Germany increasingly relied on diplomatic negotiations with elites in France and Britain, which allowed the Nazi regime to expand without significant obstacles.
7) Annexation of Austria
The annexation of Austria in 1938 met little resistance from Great Britain and France, despite the fact that half of the Austrian population was opposed to Hitler. This move allowed Germany to seize significant resources and lay the foundation for expansion to the East.
8) Sudetenland and Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia, with an army of a million soldiers and strong fortifications, was capable of resisting Nazi Germany. However, in 1938, at the Munich Conference, Britain and France decided to sacrifice Czechoslovakia, not to preserve peace in Europe, but to direct Nazi Germany towards the East. At that moment, the only ally was the USSR, while other European countries aligned with Hitler allowed his expansion eastward. Nazi Germany directly fought against Czechoslovakia, and indirectly, Italy, France, Britain, Poland, Hungary, Romania, and Yugoslavia were involved. The Munich Agreement, signed between Britain, France, and Nazi Germany, led to the collapse of the collective security system. This capitulation opened the way for Hitler to the East.
9) The Role of Yugoslavia in the Fall of Czechoslovakia
Since 1936, the authorities in Yugoslavia had been pursuing a pro-fascist foreign policy. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not neutral; it was decisively positioned against Titulescu’s initiative to create a Soviet corridor to aid Czechoslovakia in case of a German attack in 1936, thus aligning itself with Germany. This was not done to avoid war, as no war was near Yugoslav borders in 1936. With the fall of Titulescu, fascists came to power in Romania, followed by Antonescu. The Polish authorities, in cooperation with Hitler, insisted on the partition of Czechoslovakia, while Britain and France threatened Edvard Beneš in Czechoslovakia with war if he accepted aid from the USSR. The calculation during this period was simple: a) If Europe, or at least part of it, stood by Czechoslovakia, Hitler would be stopped, and no one could attack the Soviets, as they would become a superpower and begin decolonization; b) Force Czechoslovakia to capitulate and open the way for Hitler to the East, as he would take over their weapons industry. Unfortunately, under these pressures, Czechoslovakia capitulated. If Czechoslovakia had resisted for another month, the situation in Europe would have been completely different.
It is important to note that Regent Prince Paul Karađorđevi큓, along with the Prime Minister of Yugoslavia, Stojadinovi큓, was strongly pro-German and pro-Italian at that time, in line with British policy. Their rise to power was a result of British support, particularly from Neville Henderson, but this fact is deliberately suppressed in contemporary Serbian historiography. Yugoslavia, through the Little Entente (Yugoslavia, Romania, and Czechoslovakia) and the Balkan Pact, expanded its influence over a large territory of Europe, while Nazi Germany used Yugoslavia to destroy the Little Entente. These instructions were set as early as 1926, during the Weimar Republic. During the crisis in the Sudetenland, 100,000 volunteers in Yugoslavia offered to help Czechoslovakia, and mass demonstrations were organized, which Prince Paul and Milan Stojadinovi큓 brutally suppressed.
10) Poland and the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact
The Polish government did not believe that it would be abandoned by Britain and France. They thought that, with the help of the Allies, they could resist Hitler with 110 divisions. Generals Westphal and Jodl, in their memoirs, state that, with an Allied attack consisting of 110 divisions and 4,000 tanks, against 23 German divisions without tanks, the Nazis would have been defeated in Poland.
European governments were not anti-fascist, as most European countries sided with Hitler, while the only ally of Czechoslovakia remained the Soviet Union. However, during the Munich Agreement of 1938, the formal alliance between France and the USSR dissolved, as it became evident that no European country, except the Soviet Union, supported Czechoslovakia. France and Britain were not willing to form an anti-Hitler coalition with the USSR. Before the Nazis attacked the Sudetenland, the Soviet Union asked Poland to allow the passage of the Red Army to prevent the attack, but Poland refused.
In July 1939, the Soviets made one last attempt to form an alliance with Britain and France against Nazi Germany, but they sent a lower-ranking delegation to Moscow. Faced with this development, the Soviet leadership replaced Litvinov, who was unsuitable for an agreement with Nazi Germany due to his Jewish background, and appointed Molotov in his place. Soviet plans were not final, as they depended on further developments on the ground. The Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact allowed the Soviets to regain territories lost in the Brest-Litovsk Treaty of 1918 and delayed the war by 1.5 days (although the Soviets initially intended to delay the war by six months).
When Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939, the USSR did not intervene immediately. They waited to see the outcome. Poland expected that Britain and France would enter the war and attack Germany, which would lead to Hitler’s capitulation. However, the Soviets knew that the Western powers would sacrifice Poland to secure a common border between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Therefore, the USSR only intervened on September 17, when two-thirds of the Polish army had already been destroyed and the Polish leadership had fled. Had the USSR not reacted, the border with Nazi Germany would have been even farther east. The Allies, despite their superiority, took almost no action.
11) Germany’s Resource Shortages
In 1939, Hitler was resource-wise far weaker than the USSR. At the periphery, during the war with Poland, the Luftwaffe lost 25-30% of its aviation, and the tank units lost 650 out of 2,800 tanks (because most of them were light tanks, barely stronger than tankettes), which was a significant loss in just three weeks of active warfare. Of course, a lightning victory was achieved, but it clearly highlights the overall potential of the German military at that time.
12) France and Czechoslovakia’s Mechanization on the Eastern Front
The vast majority of Germany’s motor pool was based on technologies that were borrowed from France and Czechoslovakia. In fact, 80% of the German motor pool during Operation Barbarossa was of French and Czech origin. The way France was betrayed (surrendered) and how the Maginot Line was breached goes beyond the scope of this discussion for now.
The Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) during the War 1941 – 1945
Yugoslavia’s Accession to the Axis Pact and the Military Coup
On March 25, 1941, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia joined the Axis Pact, which sparked outrage among the citizens, leading to mass demonstrations. In response, on March 27, 1941, a military coup was carried out by pro-British officers of the Yugoslav Army, led by General Borivoje Mirkovi큓. The coup plotters overthrew the three-member royal regency and the Cvetkovi큓-Maček government. The Serbian Orthodox Church and other organizations played a key role in supporting the coup. The KPJ also participated in the demonstrations and had a significant role. These events clearly showed the public’s unwillingness to ally with the Nazis and fascists.
After the coup, power shifted to the hands of the minor King Peter II, and a new government was formed under General Dušan Simovi큓. The decision to withdraw from the Axis Pact delayed the German invasion of the Soviet Union by 38 days, shifting it from May 15 to June 22, 1941. This event is pivotal in the history of Yugoslavia and Serbia, as it is considered the beginning of the resistance to fascism in World War II.
