We must move from a forum for debate to an organ of combative leadership

Miguel Alexander Escobar | Rafael AguiƱada Carranza Inter-Union Coordinating Committee (CIRAC, El Salvador)

Comrades, delegates, and anti-imperialist fighters:

As part of the social and popular organizations of El Salvador, we are conscious that World War III is already underway. But not in the classical form of 1914 or 1939, with continuous fronts and formal declarations of war, but in the superior form of decadent imperialism: total hybrid war.

This phase combines: economic war (sanctions, theft of reserves), informational war (media fascism), biological war (manipulation of pandemics), energy war (sabotage of pipelines such as Nord Stream), and proxy wars (Ukraine, Taiwan, Gaza, the Sahel). The principal enemy remains the same: the NATO-EU triad under US hegemony, transnational financial capital, and neo-collaborationist regimes.

Our objectives are: 1) to characterise this new stage of imperialist war; 2) to denounce the resurgence of fascism as an instrument of internal shock; and 3) to propose concrete tasks for strengthening the unified anti-imperialist front.

Since the collapse of the USSR (1991), North American imperialism has attempted to establish the unipolar ā€œNew World Order.ā€ But its own predatory logic has generated three irresolvable contradictions:

1. The imperialist contradiction: The NATO alliance is fracturing. While Washington pushes for open war against China and Russia, continental Europe (Germany, France) sees its industry ruined by US gas and forced de-industrialisation. The Global South observes how a ā€œrules-based orderā€ is demanded of it—one that was never applied to Iraq, Libya, or Vietnam.

2. The centre-periphery contradiction: Plunder through external debt, the IMF, and climate bonds has been replaced by even more brutal mechanisms: the confiscation of sovereign assets (Afghanistan, Russia, Venezuela) and control of maritime routes (Gulf of Aden, Strait of Malacca).

3. The contradiction between social productivity and private appropriation: The crisis of overaccumulation drives NATO to ā€œresolveā€ its tendential falling rate of profit through permanent war; the military-industrial complex demands corpses every five years to renew contracts.

We are not confronted with a ā€œclash of civilisationsā€ (Huntington), but with the final gasp of financial colonialism. The war in Ukraine is the dress rehearsal for a partition of Eurasia; the genocide in Gaza is the laboratory of Zionist fascism; the provocations in Taiwan are the script for a war against the Chinese socialist revolution.

Fascism as the Acute Phase of Imperialism

Following Dimitrov and the Leninist analyses of ā€œImperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism,ā€ we must update our definition: contemporary neo-fascism does not operate solely through paramilitaries or racial hate speech, but through:

• Permanent state-of-exception laws (UK National Security Law, anti-terrorist directives in France).

• Criminalisation of anti-imperialist protest (imprisonment of climate activists and Palestine solidarity activists in Germany, the US, and Canada).

• Rehabilitation of Nazi and collaborationist symbols (Azov battalions in Ukraine, the far-right in the Israeli government, Bolsonarism in Brazil).

Contemporary fascism is the dictatorship of the most parasitic sectors of financial capital, which can no longer guarantee their domination through formal bourgeois democracy. This is why they resort to:

• Concentration camps for migrants in Libya and on the Mexico–US border.

• Bombing of hospitals, schools, and refugee camps.

• Banning of communist parties and popular movements under the pretext of ā€œdisinformation.ā€

We are conscious that imperialism cannot be defeated without frontally combating fascism. And fascism cannot be combated without building popular self-defence militias and anti-impunity people’s tribunals.

Strengthening the Anti-Imperialist Front: Concrete Experiences

Despite the offensive, the anti-imperialist camp has objectively strengthened in three areas:

1. The Russia–China–Iran–North Korea strategic axis: It is not a formal alliance, but it constitutes a pole of material veto against unipolarity. The SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) and BRICS+ already group the majority of the world’s population and the principal producers of energy, food, and technology. De-dollarisation is advancing: 30% of Russia–China trade is conducted in yuan and rubles.

2. Resistance at the periphery: The Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger) has expelled French troops and is building military cooperation with Russia. Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua resist the criminal blockade. Palestine, with its means, has demonstrated that the myth of ā€œIsraeli invulnerabilityā€ is false.

3. The new proletarian internationalism: Despite co-opted trade union bureaucracies and NGOs, concrete solidarity networks are emerging: sending generators to Cuba, hacktivists against fascist infrastructure, popular boycotts of Zionist products, and the formation of digital anti-disinformation militias.

Strategic weakness to overcome: Fragmentation.

There is still no unified anti-imperialist leadership capable of coordinating actions of mass civil disobedience, balanced economic sabotage (not only sanctions, but solidarity naval blockades of ships carrying weapons to Israel), and schools of political-ideological training in local languages.

Proposed Immediate Tasks for the Sovintern

Comrades, we cannot limit ourselves to declarations of condemnation. The Sovintern must move from a forum for debate to an organ of combative leadership. To this end, we propose:

1. Creation of the Anti-Imperialist Coordination Committee (ACC): With representation from each national front (Palestine, Western Sahara, Donbas, Kurdistan, Balochistan, etc.) so that they can share tactical intelligence on troop movements, sanctions, and fascist networks.

2. Global campaign of civil disobedience against ports and airports transporting weapons to genocidal regimes: Popular, trade union, and student blockades coordinated with internationalist lawyers.

3. Itinerant People’s University of Leninist Formation: Teaching revolutionary theory, secure cryptography, and the use of new information technologies (communications guerrilla warfare).

4. International Solidarity Fund: Voluntary fundraising in countries of the anti-imperialist axis to finance clandestine propaganda networks and other initiatives.

5. International Day ā€œNo More Wars of Capital—Yes to Socialist Revolutionā€: Setting global actions in front of NATO embassies and permanent solidarity actions with the peoples.

Closing: A Call to the Offensive

I conclude with Lenin: ā€œThere are situations in which passivity is the greatest of crimes.ā€

Imperialism is showing its claws, but also its fractures: it cannot produce without the Global South, it cannot incur debt without the savings of our peoples, it cannot recruit soldiers without lying. Every bomb dropped on a school in Gaza, Iran, or elsewhere in the world; every missile in Yemen; every coup in Africa is another brick in its own mausoleum.

We, the Sovintern, must be the global organisation of the anti-imperialist revolution. No to World War III for the benefit of the monopolists. Yes to class war, to the insurrection of the peoples, to the construction of socialism as the only guarantee of lasting peace!

”Camaradas, compañeros, Hasta la victoria siempre!

”Patria, Socialismo o Muerte Venceremos!