The Global Architecture of Counter-Revolutionary Terror

Mücadele Birliği (Struggle Unity, Türkiye)

Comrades,

The question of defining “terrorism” is not a mere linguistic exercise, nor is it a neutral legal pursuit. It is, by its very nature, an arena of class struggle. To expect a universal consensus on the definition of terror is to ignore the fundamental reality that all social phenomena possess a class character. When classes with diametrically opposed interests look at the same event, they do not see the same reality. Therefore, we must move beyond the fog of bourgeois terminology.

Technically, it is far more precise to define terrorism as a method: the primary or sole use of terror to achieve a specific political goal. From a Marxist perspective, we reject this. Not because we are pacifists, but because we understand that liberation cannot be achieved through the solitary action of a “hero” or a conspirator, but only as a result of the struggle of workers and the laboring masses. However, we must draw a sharp line between the individual act and a systemic method of struggle.

This brings us to the dialectics of force theory. Force cannot be assessed in terms of a definition that transcends classes; it must be assessed on a class basis and in accordance with the course of history. There is a “Revolutionary Force” that accelerates the wheels of history, pushing humanity forward. (Recall what Engels wrote in response to “Herr Duhring.”) And there is a “Counter-Revolutionary Force” that attempts to jam those wheels, to freeze time, or to drag us backward. To say “we are against all forms of force” is as intellectually hollow as saying “we are against all wars.” One cannot equate the violence of the slave-owner with the resistance of the slave. As Lenin taught us, communists must side with revolutionary wars—the revolutionary wars waged by the oppressed and exploited classes against the exploiters.

Comrades,

From the moment the capitalist class ceased to be progressive, it made the “counter-revolutionary forces” its primary instrument. As the crisis of capital deepens, the state terror unleashed upon the working class, and specifically upon communists, has become not an exception, but the rule. 

Fascism, as “the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital”, is the clearest and most indisputable proof of what we are saying.

With the victory of the Great October Revolution, throughout the 20th century, imperialist finance capital engineered a variety of counter-revolutionary instruments to stifle the rise of socialism. One of the most notorious of these is the “Green Belt” project. Whether they labeled it “Moderate Islam,” “Political Islam,” or “Radical Islam,” the puppeteer remained the same. These movements were organized and funded to fracture national revolutionary fronts, to sabotage states leaning toward socialism, and to foment counter-revolution where the workers had already taken power. We have seen this plan play out clearly in the mountains of Afghanistan, in Xinjiang, in Central Asia, in West Asia, and in Africa.

Why did imperialist finance capital take this turn immediately after the victory of the Great October Revolution? Because, as Lenin emphatically stressed, with the Great October Revolution we had entered a new era—the era of the collapse of imperialism and the rise of proletarian revolutions. This era has deepened in our time. The fact that imperialist financial capital has resorted to fascism across the globe, and has begun to support, organize, and arm the fascists we call “neo-Nazis,” particularly in Europe, is precisely the result of this defining feature of our era.

So, today, we are witnessing a qualitative shift. We are no longer dealing only with “local cells” or “underground groups.” We are now facing state-level terrorist organizations.

Look at the tragedies of Syria and Ukraine. These are not merely civil conflicts; they were designed to be “terrorist breeding farms.” Early in the Syrian conflict, we identified this as the creation of a “religious-fascist ranch.” What was done crudely in the past is now executed with terrifying organizational precision. In Ukraine, we see the same mechanism utilized through neo-Nazi gangs. These forces—whether they wear the mask of religious fanaticism or the swastika—are “manufactured” in these laboratories and then exported globally to serve the reactionary interests of finance capital.

Why now? Why this escalation?

The acceleration of counter-revolutionary terror at the state level is no coincidence. It is the symptom of a dying system. Since the end of the last century, the collapse of the imperialist-capitalist order has picked up speed. In response, the longing of the masses for a “New World” has grown louder. We are living in the age of the collapse of imperialism and the inevitable rise of socialism.

Imperialist finance capital, transcending national borders, has declared a Global Civil War to slow down its own demise. The neo-Nazi cadres in Kiev and the religious-fascist gangs in the Levant are the shock troops of this global campaign. From Al-Shabaab and JNIM in Africa to the remnants of Al-Qaeda in West Asia; from the white supremacist cells in Europe to the neo-Nazis the Kiev regime sends as far as Mali—these are not independent actors. They are the global dimensions of a singular, counter-revolutionary terror.

In conclusion,

We must recognize this architecture for what it is. The struggle against terrorism is not a “security” issue defined by the desks of the United Nations which became a toy in the hands of U.S.; it is the struggle against the desperate, violent spasms of a decaying imperialist system. Let us be clear: this global civil war is the final frontier of a system that has no future to offer humanity. Our response to these policies of imperialist financial capital and imperialist states cannot be limited to mere defense. The historical necessity of our age is the total dismantling of the imperialist-capitalist machinery and the organized conquest of power by the working class. We cannot put an end to fascism and fascist terror without eliminating monopoly capitalism—the breeding ground of fascism—and imperialist financial capital, and without putting an end to the capitalist private ownership of the means of production. To stop this global counter-revolutionary terror, we must strike at its root. The era of collapse for them must become the era of victory for socialism.

Thank you.